THE WAR IN WEXFORD

BY THE SAME AUTHORS

NAPOLEON AND THE INVASION OF ENGLAND

THE STORY OF THE GREAT TERROR 1797-1805. With 114 full-page Illustrations, including 8 in colour, reproduced from a unique collection of contemporary Caricatures, Broadsides, Songs, etc. 2 Vols. Demy 8vo.

W EX FOR

ACCOUNT .OF THE REBELLION THE SOUTH OF IRELAND IN 1798

TOLD FROM ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS H. F.B. WHEELER & A. M:BROADLEY TH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS

REPRODUCED FROM CONTEMPORARY RTRAITS, PRINTS, ETC. 0 ,&' '®

LONDON : JOHN LANE Ti*&' BODLEY HE if » NEW YORK : JOHN LANE COMPANY MCMX

v^

THE WAR IN

WEXFORD

AN ACCOUNT OF THE REBELLION IN THE SOUTH OF IRELAND IN 1798 TOLD FROM ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS BYH.F.B. WHEELER <2r» A.M.BROADLEY WITH NUMEROUS ILLUSTRATIONS REPRODUCED FROM CONTEMPORARY PORTRAITS, PRINTS, ETC. & ® ®

LONDON : JOHN LANE THE BODLEY HEAD NEW YORK : JOHN LANE COMPANY MCMX

/ v^

DH

PLYMOUTH : WILLIAM BRENDON AND SON, LIMITED, PRINTERS

TO

JAMES C. INGLIS

GENERAL MANAGER OF THE GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY

AND FOR THE SECOND YEAR PRESIDENT OF THE INSTITUTE OF CIVIL ENGINEERS

UNDER WHOSE AUSPICES

THE SUCCESSFUL INAUGURATION OF THE

SHORT SEA ROUTE TO IRELAND

Viti FISHGUARD AND ROSSLARE

THE NAMES OF WHICH PLACES ARE BOTH CLOSELY ASSOCIATED WITH THE STIRRING EVENTS OF 1797-1798

HAS DONE SO MUCH TO

POPULARISE THE NATURAL BEAUTIES OF WEXFORD, WATERFORD, AND OTHER

PARTS OF SOUTHERN IRELAND WITH ALL CLASSES OF TRAVELLERS

THIS VOLUME IS

WITH HIS PERMISSION

INSCRIBED BY

THE AUTHORS

LONDON

March, 1 910

PREFACE

SOME eighteen months ago three MSS. of un- deniable importance to a correct appreciation of one of the most interesting phases of Irish history, viz. the brief but bloody conflict in Wexford during the summer of 1798, were placed at the disposal of the writers. These documents con- sisted of the following items : ist, the holograph correspondence of Arthur, Earl of Mount Norris, ranging from the 27th December, 1796, to the loth July, 1813 ; 2nd, the Detail Book of the Camolin Yeomanry, the entries in which begin with the 25th May, 1798, and end the 9th October of the same year ; 3rd, the journal of Mrs. Brownrigg, of Green- mound, Co. Wexford, which covers the period between 26th May and 2ist June, 1798, when the troops under Sir John Moore relieved Wexford on the very day made memorable by the Battle of Vinegar Hill. These records, with the exception of the last-men- tioned, to which brief allusion is made by Musgrave, do not appear to have been at the command of any of the numerous historians of the desperate struggle between Loyalists and Rebels. Some of these writers exhibit a strong bias in favour of the Government, while others make no secret of their whole-hearted sympathy with the insurgents. The object of this

viii PREFACE

volume is to tell once again the story of the War in Wexford by the aid of original documents, comparison being made in the course of the narrative of the statements of eye-witnesses contained in the MSS. now brought to light with those given in the pages of Hay, Byrne, Cloney, and Teeling, ardent partisans of the Catholics, and Musgrave, Taylor, Gordon, and Jack- son, who enter the lists with equal enthusiasm on the part of the Protestants. James Anthony Froude and W. E. H. Lecky, especially the latter, may be re- garded, to some extent, as impartial. It is thus that Froude, in a few trenchant sentences, sums up his opinions as to the merits of the case :

" Were it not for the enormous crimes which these infatuated men confessed that they were deliberately contemplating, the spectacle of Ireland on the eve of the rebellion of 1798 would rise into tragic piteous- ness. The long era of misgovernment had ripened at last for the harvest. Rarely since the inhabitants of the earth have formed themselves into civilised com- munities had any country suffered from such a com- plication of neglect and ill-usage. The Irish people clamoured against Government, and their real wrong, from first to last, had been that there was no govern- ment over them ; that, under changing forms, the universal rule among them for four centuries had been the tyranny of the strong over the weak ; that from the catalogue of virtues demanded of those who exer- cised authority over their fellow-men the word Justice had been blotted out. Anarchy had borne its fruits. The victims of scandalous misadministration had risen at last to demand redress ; but they had risen

PREFACE ix

in blind rage in pursuit of objects which, if obtained, could but plunge them deeper in their misery. They had appealed to England, and England had for bread given them a stone, for fish a serpent. Instead of practical justice she had given them political liberty, and when political liberty had proved a mocking phantom, they had gone mad and had started to arms, and were preparing for universal massacre and ruin.

" Their leaders disguised the hideousness of their schemes in patriotic rhapsodies. They compared them- selves in fancy to the liberators of America or to the heroes of Jacobin France. They believed, or dreamt that they believed, that they were to enrich the annals of mankind by the achievement of a glorious revolu- tion. Their road to it hitherto had lain through mid- night murder, through seduction of honest men from their duty, through the contemplation of crimes so horrible that they shrank appalled from the ferocity of each other's conceptions. Though engaged, as they supposed, in the most glorious of causes, they had been unable to inspire one another with the fidelity which the pickpocket displays to his comrades. In every Committee there were traitors, one or many. They had generated round them an atmosphere of villainy, and when they lifted their hands at last to strike the blow which was to break the chains of Ireland, they found themselves in the hands of the police, fallen from the high peaks to which they were in imagination soaring to the level of common felons."1

In dealing with facts, Froude is not always en-

1 Froude, Vol. III., pp. 400-1.

x PREFACE

tirely accurate, and occasionally he comes to conclu- sions which the evidence he adduces scarcely justifies. Although the Earl of Mount Norris played a con- spicuous part in the affairs of 1798, he is only referred to as Lord Mountmorris,1 and it is sometimes difficult to account for discrepancies which, here and there, have crept into an undeniably monumental work.

It must not be forgotten that it was in beautiful Wexford that the death-struggle of 1798 between Loyalist and Rebel was specially characterised by that ferocity and vindictiveness which only spring from an intensity of religious feeling. As far as Wex- ford was concerned, it was nothing less than the jihad, or Holy War of the Roman Catholics of the South against the Protestants and their protectors. No quarter was asked for, given, or expected. Hence the outrages which make men shudder after the lapse of more than a century.

Camolin Park, in County Wexford, had come to the Annesleys through the marriage, in 1741, of the sixth Earl of Anglesey with Juliana, daughter of Richard Donovan, the owner of that estate, and the writer of the Camolin Papers was her only son.

The personality of Arthur Annesley, the moving spirit of the Camolin Yeomanry, the Loyal Mount Norris Rangers, and the Loyal Mount Norris Yeoman Infantry, born in 1744, was in many ways remark- able. On the death, in 1761, of his father, Richard Annesley, sixth Earl of Anglesey, seventh Viscount Valentia, and fifth Baron Altham, the earldom seems to have reverted to the descendants of the second son

1 Froude, Vol. III., p. 432.

PREFACE xi

of the first Earl ; but Arthur Annesley inherited the second title, and as Viscount Valentia took his seat four years later in the Irish House of Peers. His claim to a writ of summons as Earl of Anglesey in the English Parliament was rejected only by a single vote in the Committee of Privilege. In 1767 he married Lucy, only daughter of George, Lord Lyttelton,1 who. died in 1783. His second wife, who lived till 1849, was a daughter of the Rt. Hon. Sir Henry Cavendish and the Baroness Waterpark. In December, 1793, Viscount Valentia was created Earl of Mount Norris. 2 He sur- vived the troubles of 1798 for eighteen years, dying in 1816, when his honours devolved on his son George, so named after his distinguished maternal grandfather, the " Good " Lord Lyttelton. At his demise, in 1844, the earldom became extinct. The present representa- tive of the energetic cavalry captain of 1798 is Lieut.- General Arthur Lyttelton Lyttelton-Annesley, who has assumed the additional name of Lyttelton, and also represents in the female line the first Barony of Lyttelton. It is by the kindness of General Lyttelton- Annesley that the writers are enabled to give, for the first time, a reproduction of the striking family por- trait of the first Earl of Mount Norris.

Camolin Park, the scene of so much excitement during the " War in Wexford," no longer belongs to the House of Annesley. It was sold in 1852 by the then owner, Mr. Lyttelton-Annesley, to Mr. James Foster, of Stourton Castle, Staffordshire, and the

1 See Dr. Johnson and Mrs. Thrale, by A. M. Broadley, pub- lished by John Lane, 1909, p. 211.

2 Burke gives the title as Mountnorris, but its first holder, at any rate, invariably wrote it Mount Norris.

xii PREFACE

present owner is Mr. W. H. Foster, of Apley Park, Shropshire. Much of the land has been divided among the tenants, and the mansion-house is now used as a College of Forestry.

At the present moment the eyes of travellers and politicians are alike directed to Ireland. The problem of Home Rule must inevitably become once again pre- eminently a burning question, and, on the other hand, the inauguration of the new Great Western short sea route to Ireland by way of Fishguard and Rosslare is bringing crowds of holiday-makers to Wexford and Waterford, as well as to the Lakes of Killarney and the Valley of Ovoca.

It is certainly a strange coincidence that this plea- sant journey should commence at Fishguard, the scene of the only practical attempt to carry into effect the oft-repeated threat of Gallic invasion on English soil, and end at Rosslare, mentioned more than once in the Camolin Papers, and almost within sight of Wexford, where the statue of one of the Vinegar Hill combatants now looks down, peacefully and complacently, on crowds of appreciative sight- seers. It is hoped that the twentieth-century traveller, as well as the twentieth-century politician, will find much to interest them in the story now placed before them. The authors desire to express their acknow- ledgments of assistance kindly given them to General Sir Arthur Lyttelton Lyttelton-Annesley, K.C.V.O., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., F.Z.S., as well as to Mr. S. A. Pope and Mr. W. Beddoes, J.P., both of the Great Western Railway.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER PACK

I. THE SEEDS OF SEDITION . 3

II. THE REIGN OF MARTIAL LAW . 30

III. THE OLIVE BRANCH IN WEXFORD . . 48

IV. THE HARVEST OF REVOLT . 72

V. FROM THE CAPTURE OF GOREY TO THE

BATTLE OF Ross . . 104

VI. VINEGAR HILL . . 138

VII. A THREE WEEKS' TERROR: MRS. BROWN- RIGG'S JOURNAL AT WEXFORD, MAY 26TH-

JUNE 2isT . ... 162

VIII. MRS. BROWNRIGG'S JOURNAL AT WEXFORD

(continued) . . 183

IX. WAR IN THE WICKLOW MOUNTAINS . . 200

X. BANDITTI . . . . . 216

XL THE COMING OF THE FRENCH . . . 237

XII. TROUBLES OF THE CAMOLIN CAVALRY . . 266

XIII. THE AFTERMATH OF THE REBELLION . . 282

XIV. WHO WAS TO BLAME? . . . 297

BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . 327

INDEX . . . • • • 335

ILLUSTRATIONS

ARTHUR ANNESLEY, VISCOUNT VALENTIA, FIRST EARL OF

MOUNT NORRIS {Photogravure) . . . Frontispiece

From a contemporary portrait in the possession of his descendant Sir Arthur Lyttelton Lyttelton-Annesley, K.C.V.O.

FACING PAGB

SIR DAVID DUNDAS, K.B. . . 18

From a contemporary portrait in the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadley.

GENERAL LAZARE HOCHE . . ... 26

From a contemporary portrait in the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadley,

FACSIMILE OF ONE OF THE MOUNT NORRIS LETTERS . . 38 JOHN FITZGIBBON, EARL OF CLARE . . 44

From the collection of Mr. A, M. Broadley.

LORD EDWARD FITZGERALD . . ... 68

A TYPICAL IRISH INSURGENT OF 1798 . ... 104

From an old engraving in the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadley.

FATHER JOHN MURPHY OF BOULAVOGUK . . 122

From the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadley.

MAJOR-GENERAL SIR JOHN MOORE . . . . 152

From a contemporary proof engraving in the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadley.

THE VINEGAR HILL STATUS, WEXFORD . . . 160

From a photograph.

FACSIMILE OF PAGE OF THE WEXFORD MS. . . 196

From a photograph by Mr. C. A. Hamilton.

JOSEPH HOLT, A PROMINENT REBEL CHIEF . . . 220

ROBERT STEWART, VISCOUNT CASTLEREAGH . . . 232

From an engraving in the collection of Mr. H. F. B. Wheeler.

ROBERT EMMET . . . ... 292

From the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadley. XV

xvi ILLUSTRATIONS

FACING PAGE

WEAPONS FOR USE IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE IRISH REBEL- LION, AND TAKEN AT EMMET*S DEPOT IN DUBLIN ON THE

23RD JULY, 1803 . . . ... 294

From a contemporary drawing in the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadley.

JAMES CAULFEILD, EARL OF CHARLEMONT . . . 298

Front the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadley.

AN EMMET BROADSIDE OF 1803 . ... 322

From the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadley.

CONTEMPORARY MAP OF THE COUNTY OF WEXFORD IN 1798

THE WAR IN WEXFORD

THE WAR IN WEXFORD

CHAPTER I THE SEEDS OF SEDITION

Who fears to speak of Ninety-eight ?

Who blushes at the name ? When cowards mock the patriot's fate,

Who hangs his head for shame ?

JOHN K. INGRAM.

I

sunset of the eighteenth century in Ireland was as lurid and stormy as its dawn had been colourless and watery. The thunder of the French Revolution echoed in low rumblings throughout the land of ruined castles and of ruined causes, just and unjust, to culminate in the outburst of '98. The Rebellion relieved the tense political atmosphere, and was followed by the calmer weather of the Union which, for good or ill, was brought about in 1800. Let us recall as briefly as possible the principal events which heralded the in- ternal warfare destined in the spring and summer of 1798 to devastate both the country-side and the populous centres.

The seeds of Jacobinism which an ill wind had blown across the Channel fell on thorny ground in England and Scotland, although a stubborn crop of

4 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

sedition was raised under the diligent care of such men as Tom Paine,1 Dr. Priestley,2 Thomas Muir,8 and Home Tooke.4 Their efforts were aided by various clubs and associations, of which the Friends of the People, the Constitutional, Reform, and London Corre- sponding Societies, and the Society for Constitutional Information are typical examples. It was in the fertile soil of Ireland that the Republican flower blossomed in profusion. The fact that the Volunteer movement of 1778-82, originally formed to protect the island from a possible invasion by the French when the regular Irish troops had been drafted to America, had proved itself capable of weighing down the political scales on the side of legislative independence was by no means lost sight of by those who held advanced

1 Thomas Paine (1737-1809). In 1790-2 he published The Rights of Man in answer to Edmund Burke's Reflections on the French Revolution, for which he was tried and found guilty. Became a member of the French National Convention, was thrown into prison by Robespierre, and in 1802 sailed for the United States, where he remained until his death. Large quantities of his Age of Reason were distributed gratis in Ireland.

2 Joseph Priestley (1733-1804), theologian, philosopher and author of many controversial works. In 1791 some of his friends held a meeting to celebrate the fall of the Bastille, which so incensed the mob that a riot ensued, Priestley losing his manuscripts, library and apparatus by his house being wrecked. Like Paine, he ended his days in the United States.

8 Thomas Muir (1765-1798), Parliamentary reformer. Arrested for sedition 1793, transported to Botany Bay and escaped in 1796. He died at Chantilly, the consequence of wounds received on board a Spanish frigate at Cadiz.

• John Home Tooke (1736-1812), politician and philologer. He was found guilty of libel in connection with an attack on the English ministry in the matter of the American War. Acquitted of high treason, 1794. His chief literary work is The Diversions of Purley.

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION 5

opinions. England's extremity was Ireland's oppor- tunity. In 1779 a new era of prosperity seemed about to follow one of stagnation and poverty. At last the sister kingdom was at liberty to sell and buy in the markets of the world, excepting only Great Britain, and even this embargo appeared likely to be removed by Pitt in 1785. Ireland was no longer the Ishmael of the nations.

Unfortunately many manufacturers, especially in Lancashire, raised a hue and cry against commercial intercourse with the Emerald Isle, and the proposition was so pruned in its final stage that the Irish patriotic party would have none of it. As a consequence there was retrogression instead of progress, the peasants gradually lost heart, and when hope vanishes the in- dividual either becomes as a reed shaken by the wind, listless and without energy, the sport of every passing zephyr, or the primal instinct of self-preservation by fair means or foul asserts itself. Taking the nation as a whole, the latter rule obtained. While Henry Grattan * persistently held on his course of equal political rights for the debarred Roman Catholic as well as for the enfranchised Protestant, it soon became evident that oratory alone would not bring about the desired end, and Pitt's projects for Parliamentary reform did little to rectify matters.

The coming event of 1800 cast its shadow in 1792, as is evident in two very important letters in Pitt's

1 Henry Grattan (1746-1820). Called to the Irish Bar, 1772 ; Member of the Irish Parliament, 1775. After the Union he repre- sented Malton and subsequently Dublin in the House of Commons.

6 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

handwriting discovered some years ago.1 Although Sir Hercules Langrishe 2 introduced a Catholic Relief Bill, which " was passed unwillingly to please the English Cabinet," 3 Chatham's son, whom Macaulay calls " the first English Minister who formed great designs for the benefit of Ireland," makes it abun- dantly clear that the Protestant establishment was to be paramount. Writing to Lord Westmorland,4 the Lord-Lieutenant, on the 2Qth January, 1792, he admits that " We have thought only of what was the most likely plan to preserve the security and tran- quillity of a British and Protestant interest. . . .

" In the present situation I am so far from wishing you to go farther than you propose that I really think it would be unwise to attempt it. If any [attempt] is made now or hereafter to gain more by force or menace than Parliament is disposed to give, we must and will resist it, or there is an end to all government.

"As to what may be wise for the future, I still be- lieve that, not excluding a possibility even of further concessions, if circumstances should admit of it, would be the best security for the Protestant interest. But

1 In the Fane Collection in the Record Tower at Dublin Castle. They were first printed by Mr. Henry Jephson in an able article on " The Irish Parliament of 1782," which appeared in the Nineteenth Century, No. 100, pp. 984-985.

2 Sir Hercules Langrishe (1731-1811), first baronet, created 1777.

3 The English in Ireland in the Eighteenth Century. By James Anthony Froude, M.A. (Ed. 1895), Vol. III., p. 60.

4 John Fane (1759-1841), tenth Earl of Westmorland. Lord- Lieutenant of Ireland 1789-1795 ; recalled 1795 ; Lord Privy Seal 1798-1827, excepting only from the 5th February, 1806, to the 25th March, 1807.

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION 7

I have no difficulty in saying to you that my opinion will never be for bringing forward any concession beyond what the public mind and the opinion of those who are the supporters of British government or its present establishment are reconciled to.

" I may have my own opinion as to expediency, but I am inclined myself to follow theirs, not to attempt to force it, and, as I have said already, every tumul- tuous attempt to gain more than Government or Parliament may be disposed to give must always be resisted.

" Any pledge, however, against anything more in future seems to me to be in every view useless and dangerous, and it is what, on such a question, no prudent government can concur in. I say nothing on the idea of resisting all concessions, because I am in hopes there is no danger of that line being taken.

" If it were, I should really think it the most fatal measure that could be contrived for the destruction ultimately of every object we wish to preserve."

The second letter is dated Downing Street, i8th November, 1792 :

" DEAR WESTMORLAND, — . . . The idea of the present fermentation gradually bringing both parties to think of a union with this country has long been in my mind. I hardly dare flatter myself with the hope of its taking place, but I believe it, though itself not easy to be accomplished, to be the only solution for other and greater difficulties.

" The admission of Catholics to a share of suffrage

8 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

could not then be dangerous. The Protestant interest, in point of power, property, and Church establish- ment, would be secure, because the decided majority of the Supreme Legislature would necessarily be Protestant ; and the great ground of argument on the part of the Catholics would be done away ; as com- pared with the rest of the Empire, they would become a minority.

" You must judge when and to whom the idea can be confided. It must certainly require great delicacy and management, but I am heartily glad that it is at least in your thoughts.

" Yours ever,

"W. PITT."

Secret societies and discontent invariably flourish together. Ireland had been a warren of such re- ligious, political, or social reform organisations as the White Boys, Right Boys, Oak Boys, Whitefeet, Blackfeet, True Blues, Peep-o'-Day Boys, and the Defenders, while in 1791 the Society of United Irish- men had come into being in Belfast, followed by in- numerable Orange Lodges four years later. In 1793 the franchise was extended to the Roman Catholics, but owing to the action of the United Irishmen in caDing a convention at Athlone — a proposed political forcing-frame to raise further sprigs of concession — an Act was passed to preclude such meetings.1 Tumult and outrage in eleven counties, including Wexford, made the summer of 1793 a memorable one, and the

1 33 George III., cap. 29.

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION 9

Irish Parliament voted a levy of 16,000 additional Militia.1 Coming events were again casting their shadows before, but in a different direction.

When Lord Fitzwilliam,2 with many optimistic promises, took up his residence in Ireland at the be- ginning of 1795, affairs once more put on a rosier com- plexion. Popular enthusiasm, never at the best of times a particularly stable quality, sank to zero when the new Lord-Lieutenant, who had shown his trump card of Catholic emancipation too soon, was per- emptorily recalled in the February of the following year. A close study of Froude's chapter on " The Fitzwilliam Crisis " shows that Fitzwilliam acted on his own responsibility, and committed himself to a policy antagonistic to the instructions given to him by the home Cabinet. In other words, his crime was in endeavouring to govern Ireland on behalf of her in- habitants rather than from England's point of view. On the I2th February, 1795, Grattan moved for leave to bring in a Bill for " the relief of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects." If we may infer from the fact that not a single Protestant petition was presented

1 A History of the British Army. By the Hon. J. W. Fortescue (London : 1906), Vol. IV., p. 217.

* William Wentworth Fitzwilliam, second Earl Fitzwilliam in England and fourth in Ireland (1748-1833). At first a Whig, he dissented from Mr. Fox when the latter approved of French revolu- tionary ideas. Appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland the loth December, 1794, and recalled. He landed at Dublin on the 4th January, 1795, and returned to England on the 25th March, 1795. President of the Council from the nth July to the i7th December, 1794. Lord Fitzwilliam held the same office in the Grenville Ad- ministration from the igth February, 1806, to the 8th October of the same year.

io THE WAR IN WEXFORD

against it the scheme was certainly popular and would have supplied " a long felt want." x There were only three dissentients ; 2 opposition came from the Duke of Portland,3 Fitzwilliam's immediate chief, who had entered into the coalition on the distinct understand- ing that he should have " the general management and superintendence of Ireland." 4 Fitzwilliam was sacrificed, and it is significant that the Irish House of Commons declared that he " merited the thanks of this House and the confidence of the people," 6 a sentiment approved by the Upper Chamber and ap- plauded at many a less important gathering. A recent writer remarks with reference to Grattan's proposition that " There can be little doubt that with the support of the Government it would have been carried ; but suddenly this policy of conciliation was reversed ; Lord Fitzwilliam was recalled, and a veto was put upon the further progress of the measure. There followed as a consequence the Catholic rebellion of 1798, put down with ruthless force ; the Catholics were cowed and dismayed, and the occasion seemed a fit one to Pitt and the English Government to effect

1 Two Centuries of Irish History, 1691-1870, with Introduction by James Bryce, M.P. (London: 1888), p. 138.

2 Ibid., p. 136.

3 William Henry Cavendish Bentinck (1738-1809), third Duke of Portland ; succeeded to Dukedom 1762 ; Lord Lieutenant of Ireland 1782 ; Prime Minister 1783 ; Home Secretary 1794-1801 ; Prime Minister 1807-1809. The passing of the Act of Union with Ireland was largely due to his exertions.

* Lord Fitzwilliam to Lord Carlisle, Plowden, Vol. II., p. 467. See also Irish Parliamentary Debates, Vol., XIV., p. 184. — Ibid., P- 134.

5 2nd March, 1795.

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION n

the Union and to put an end to a separate Irish Par- liament." 1

When Lord Camden 2 was appointed to succeed FitzwilKam as Viceroy, the Duke of Portland made it abundantly clear why his predecessor had failed. "As to the Catholic question," he writes, " it was understood that Lord Fitzwilliam was to prevent it being agitated at all. If he failed he was to use his diligence in collecting the opinions and sentiments of all descriptions of persons, and transmit them for the information of his Majesty. Things are no longer in the same state, but our general directions to you are the same." Grattan, as we have seen, was about to introduce a Bill for the further relief of the Roman Catholics, and Camden was advised not to negative its first reading. From what follows it is obvious that after this formality it was to be opposed tooth and nail. He was warned of the divisions among the anti- Catholics, but "provided the great body of the Pro- testants will exert themselves in the contest, you are authorised to give them the most decided and un- reserved support, and make every exertion they can desire to prevent the admission of the Catholics to seats in the Legislature." Seminaries for the education of Catholic priests 3 and provision for the Catholic

1 " The Two Unions," by G. Shaw Lefevre, in the Contemporary Review, April, 1886, p. 575.

2 Sir John Jeffreys Pratt (1759-1840), second Earl and first Marquis of Camden; Lord Lieutenant of Ireland 1794-1798; Secretary of War 1804-1805 ; President of the Council 1805-1806 and 1807-1812. Created Marquis of Camden 1812.

3 The proposal was introduced by Mr. Pelham on the 24th April, 1795, and to which Maynooth owes its existence.

12 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

parochial clergy were regarded as " measures likely to improve the condition and satisfy the minds of the Catholics, without endangering the Protestant Estab- lishment."

Had Camden been an angel in disguise it must be conceded that no little difficulty would have been experienced by him in carrying out the Utopian advice so persuasively set forth in the concluding paragraph, which is preluded by the sentence, " One caution more," and may or may not reveal intense irony on the part of the Duke of Portland. It is as follows : " You will need all your prudence. Those who fancied they were about to be sacrificed will assume airs of exultation and triumph little suited to conciliate those who have been stopped in the career which they had just entered ; and the disap- pointment of the latter may be productive of great ill-humour and some violence. Moderate, soothe, con- ciliate these jarring spirits. We have great confidence in your judgment, firmness, and discretion." l

Grattan's Bill, which boldly asked for a total repeal of the popery laws, was introduced on the 24th April. It was read a second time on the 4th May, 1795, and rejected by 155 to 84.2 There was a flood of oratory lasting all day and all night, " and the ques- tion of Catholic Emancipation was dismissed from the Irish Parliament, to be raised again as opportunity offered for purposes of faction, but never more with

1 Instructions to Lord Camden, loth March, 1795. Froude, Vol. III., pp. 158-161.

2 Memoirs of the Different Rebellions in Ireland. By Sir Richard Musgrave, Bart. (Dublin, 1801), p. 134.

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION 13

serious prospect of acceptance, as long as Ireland had a separate constitution." 1 We do not agree with the " faction " phrase, but entirely with the one follow- ing it.

A Bill of considerable importance was introduced in the House of Commons in January, 1796, and be- came law in the following March. That it was necessary to stop the robberies and murders which occurred all too frequently is obvious, but the methods adopted were caustically drastic. Among other things it pro- vided for the registration of persons possessing fire- arms ; that when a district became disturbed the Privy Council was to proclaim the disaffected part, and that " all persons are required to keep within their houses between sun-set and sun-rise ; and are liable to be transported if found out of their houses in the night. " Musgrave, who does not enter into the political aspect of the rebellion to any great extent, preferring the details of war to those of peace, waxes eloquent in this matter. " In such parts of Ireland, as this salu- tary law was enforced, it completely put an end to the nocturnal ravages of the United traitors." 2 His belief in the curfew bell is such that " Every person, ac- quainted with the ferocious and sanguinary disposition of the lower class of people in Ireland, will agree with me, that this wise law should never be repealed." On the other hand it is clear that " This put at the mercy of every unscrupulous enemy, the life and liberty of members of the popular party in the country. The

1 Froude, Vol. III., p. 173.

2 Musgrave, p. 149.

i4 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

Ascendency faction had but to burn down a cabin : the expelled inmates were ' vagrants/ and could be banished for life. Mercenary foes had but to swear that a political or social antagonist had administered an unlawful oath, and the executioner was set to work." 1

When Fitzwilliam left the scene of his brief but troubled career as Lord-Lieutenant, Ireland meta- phorically donned mourning. The old religious differ- ences became the burning topic of the hour, and God help the country where theology and politics are the alpha and omega of discussion. The United Irishmen, after having been quiescent and not quashed as Govern- ment had fondly hoped, suddenly took on a fresh and invigorated lease of life, becoming an octopus whose tentacles gradually spread throughout the length and breadth of the land.

The forces at the disposal of the Government to combat the monster were extremely small. The Irish Military Establishment was fixed by Act of Parliament at 15,000 men, but in the years 1793 and 1794 the ranks were depleted by 3,000 troops quartered abroad. According to Fortescue, our greatest living authority on such matters, the total for 1795, including regulars and fencibles, was 20,246, with 21,369 militia ; for the following year 19,012 regulars and fencibles and 22,698 militia.2 The weak state of defence and the

1 Two Centuries of Irish History, p. 149.

2 Fortescue, Vol. IV., Part 2, p. 938. The Irish Establishment signifies the number of troops for which the Irish Treasury provided pay. Many of them were abroad, in fact nearly all the regular infantry.

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION 15

difficulty in sending reinforcements may be gathered from the letters printed below, and now first published:1

" Horse Guards August 17th 1796.

" Sir,

" I have the Honor to lay before Your Majesty the Weekly States as likewise the different Memoranda for Your Majesty's Approbation.

" I have likewise to report to Your Majesty that Mr Pitt came to Me this Morning, and in the name of Your Majesty's Ministers acquainted Me, that in con- sequence of some very pressing Intelligence from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, it was deemed absolutely necessary that a Reinforcement should be sent from hence to Ireland as soon as possible. The only Rein- forcement which it is in Our power to send at present is the 6th Dragoon Guards, and 12th Light Drag8, and the Manx and Loyal Tay Fencible Infantry.

" Your Majesty might likewise approve of the three Foreign Corps of Lowenstein Hompesch and Waldstein which are at present at the Isle of Wight, waiting to be sent to the West Indies, being ordered to proceed immediately to Cork, and to remain there till an Opportunity offers to send them on to their Destina- tion ; Should Your Majesty sanction these different Arrangements, the Troops may be ordered to proceed to Ireland immediately.

" Mr Dundas has likewise acquainted Me that a Representation has been made both by M. Gen1 Gordon and M-General Sir Hew Dalrymple, that in case of any Accident happening to them, the Command

1 Mr. Broadley's Georgian MSS.

16 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

in both the Islands of Jersey and Guernsey, would fall upon the Colonels of Fencibles, and begging there- fore that a Brig. General might be appointed to each Island under Them, I beg leave therefore to mention to Your Majesty the Names of Colonels Burton and Monson to be appointed Brigadiers General in those Islands.

" I mean to pay My Duty to Your Majesty at Wey- mouth next Sunday, and hope to be able to lay before You Sir, different Papers concerning the interior Arrangements in case of an Invasion, as likewise con- cerning the Reduction of most of the French Corps. " I have &c.

" (signed) FREDERICK." 1

" Weymouth Aug4 19 h 1796.

" My Dear Frederick, I approve of the 6th Reg4 of Dragoon Guards and the 12th Light Dragoons return- ing to Ireland as also the Loyal Tay Fencible Cavalry ; the foreign Corps of Lowenstein Hompesch and Wald- stein now in the Isle of Wight may be sent to Cork till they can proceed to the West Indies.

" I approve of Colonels Burton and Monson being placed as Brigadiers on the Staffs of Guernsey and Jersey as it would not be desirable the Commands should devolve to Fencible Colonels. ' The Memorandas are all very proper. " I am glad you think of arriving here on Sunday, believe me ever

" My Dear Frederick

' Your most Affectionate Father

" GEORGE R."

1 On the 3rd April, 1798, the Duke of York was appointed Commander-in-Chief.

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION 17

"H.R.H. to the King.

" London September 8 h 1796.

"Sir

" I have the Honor to transmit to Your Majesty the Monthly Returns, and Weekly States, and to lay before You, Sir, for Your Approbation the Recom- mendations for the vacant Commissions, I must at the same time humbly beg Your Majesty's pardon for not having sent these Papers Yesterday, but having had a very long Conference with Mr Pitt and Mr Dun- das, and afterwards with the Duke of Portland upon several points, I was too late for the Mail.

" In the Conference I had with Your Majesty's Ministers, after due Consideration it was determined to offer the Command of the Army in Ireland to Sir Charles Grey,1 but to My great Surprize when I men- tioned it to Him this Morning, He has absolutely refused it, and in a Manner which convinces Me, that He has completely made up His mind. He excuses Himself upon the precarious State of His Health, but thinks Himself fully adequate to continue in the Com- mand of the Southern District. Under these Circum- stances it is very difficult to know who to recommend to Your Majesty for the very important Situation of Commander in Chief in Ireland, and the least objec- tionable Arrangement in My opinion would be, to endeavor to persuade Lord Carhampton 2 to accept of it.

1 Sir Charles Grey (1729-1807), called the " No-flint General," General 1795 ; created Baron Grey de Howick 1801 ; Earl 1806.

8 Lord Carhampton accepted the post, resigning in November, 1797-

C

i8 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

"I am at present employed in making out the General Disposition of the Troops upon the Breaking up of the Camps, which I must humbly propose to Your Majesty may take place at the latter End of this Month, as not only it will hinder the Increase of Disease, which generally takes place in all Camps during the Autumn, but will likewise be a very con- siderable Saving in the Expence, as the Bargains with the Contractors for the Bread, Hay, Straw &c were made at the time when these Articles were at a most extraordinary price, Government now loses near five and Twenty pr Cent upon them.

" As the Declaration is made out I shall have the Honor to lay it before Your Majesty.

" (signed) FREDERICK."

"On board the S* Fiorenzo, Sept. ioh, 1796.

" My Dear Frederick, Yesterday I received your Box containing the Monthly Returns and Weekly States ; I approve of the proposed douceur for Lieu- tenant General O'Hara whose Finances at the present moment must require that Assistance. I approve of the Memorandas.

"It is curious so much interest was made that Sir Charles Grey might be appointed to the Command of the Forces in Ireland without its being known whether it would be agreable to Him, He having declined, I perfectly agree that the activity, tallents and local advantages that Lord Carhampton is the fittest person for that command. I have Sounded Sir William Pitt,1

1 Sir William Augustus Pitt (1728-1809).

SIR DAVID DUNDAS, K.P. From a contemporary portrait in the collection of Mr. A. M. Broadley

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION 19

who assures Me from having seen his conduct in Ire- land that He is persuaded it will be an advantageous Choise, I therefore approve of Your forwarding this Arrangement ; but this will certainly make it not right to press David Dundas to go there, for Carhamp- ton is too active to require his private counsel, and his Services may be highly useful in this Country.

" The Sooner the Troops can begin to get into Barracks the better. I ever remain " My Dear Frederik

" Your most Affectionate Father

" GEORGE R."

" P.S. The accompanying Memorial I received this morning, Sir W. Pitt, Ld. Cathcart1 and M. G. Gwynn speak highly of Him ; but how he can be brought for- ward I do not well see though I believe he is meri- torious."

" To the Km§- " Horse Guards

" October 28th 1796.

" Sir,

" As it appears from the enclosed private Letter from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to the Duke of Portland, which I have the Honor to transmit to Your Majesty, that an Augmentation to the Staff of Ireland is absolutely necessary, which the Lord Lieutenant is desirous may take place as soon as possible, the Duke of Portland has desired Me not to delay taking Your

1 Sir William Schaw Cathcart (1755-1843), tenth Baron Cath- cart in the Scottish peerage, and first Viscount and Earl Cathcart. He was Commander-in -Chief in Ireland, 1803-5.

20 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

Majesty's Pleasure upon it, and to lay before Your Majesty the Names of Major Generals Loftus and Hut- chinson to be Major Generals, and of Colonel Ormsby Knox and the Earl of Cavan to be Brigadier Generals, according to the Recommendation of the Lord Lieutenant. 0 ^.^ FREDERICK „

The majority of the prominent figures in the ranks of the United Irishmen were lawyers and not soldiers, although several of them had served as volunteers. The idea seems to have emanated from the resourceful brain of Theobald Wolfe Tone,1 a man of considerable ability but lacking in many of the qualities which go to make up the successful commander. Protestants, Dissenters, and Roman Catholics were admitted, for civil and religious liberty coupled with national govern- ment was the original platform, to be changed from time to time until it became avowedly republican and military. In 1796, after an enforced journey to America, Tone went to France, and together with E. J. Lewens,2 an accredited representative of the United Irishmen, entered into negotiations with the Directory for the help which had been promised soon after the declaration of war against England in 1793, but had been declined. This was the first time that

1 Theobald Wolfe Tone (1763-1798). Called to the Bar 1789. Sentenced to death by a Court Martial. Committed suicide the 1 9th November, 1798.

2 Edward John Lewens (1756-1828), an attorney by profession. At the Union he was banished from Ireland, and taking up his residence in France ultimately became inspector of studies at Paris University.

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION 21

overtures had been made to the Great Nation, for it was foreseen that there was a likelihood of the allies turning conquerors, once they landed. The Junta (Directory) of the United Irishmen now consisted of Lord Edward FitzGerald,1 the military chief — who also paid a flying visit to the Continent with reference to the proposed assistance of the French — O'Connor,2 Emmet,3 McNeven,4 and Bond.5 Their enthusiasm for the cause they had so much at heart was scarcely ex- ceeded, if at all, by Wolfe Tone himself. After con- siderable delay an expedition was fitted out, and 14,000 men and an armament of seventeen sail-

1 Lord Edward FitzGerald (1763-1798), son of the first Duke of Leinster. M.P. for Athy 1783-1790, for Co. Kildare 1790-1797. He married Pamela, daughter of Egalite, Duke of Orleans, and Madame de Genlis.

* Arthur O'Connor (1763-1852), M.P. for Philipstown 1791-1795. Tried for high treason 1798, acquitted. Fox, Grattan, Sheridan, Erskine, Whitbread, Lord Thanet and Lord John Russell (after- wards Duke of Bedford) testified to his loyalty. O'Connor was again arrested, and imprisoned at Fort George, 1799-1803. He afterwards entered the French army, rising to the rank of Lieutenant-General. He married the only daughter of Condorcet, the celebrated French philosopher.

3 Thomas Addis Emmet (1764-1827). Called to the Bar but did not practise. Arrested 1798. Confined in Fort George 1799- 1802. In 1804 he went to New York, where he became Attorney- General of the State of New York.

* William James McNeven (1763-1841), physician. He visited the Continent on behalf of the United Irish cause. Arrested 1 798 ; was imprisoned at Fort George after giving evidence before the Committee of the House of Lords. On his release he entered the French army, but shortly afterwards went to America. He prepared an elaborate report on the state of Ireland which was trans- mitted to the French Government.

5 Oliver Bond (1758-1798), woollen draper of Dublin. He was arrested on the i2th March, 1798 ; tried for high treason and found guilty ; died in prison the 6th September, 1798.

22 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

of-the-line, thirteen frigates, and thirteen smaller vessels left on the I5th December, 1796, under the military command of Hoche.1 What was fondly hoped to be a master stroke against England proved absolutely abortive, for Bonaparte's great rival did nothing but lose several ships and make the name of Ban try Bay for ever famous.2 Napoleon afterwards gave it as his opinion that Hoche's army, once dis- embarked on Irish soil, would have been successful.3

Had there been no rebellion in '98 it would be easy to infer from the half-heartedness of the French Government and the failure of a complete and definite understanding with the United Irishmen that neither of the parties took the matter seriously. Why Bantry Bay should have been chosen as a rendezvous is not quite clear from a military standpoint, as the peasants in the south and west of Ireland were comparatively lukewarm to those of the north, and it was necessary to strike a heavy blow at English supremacy on land- ing, pour encourager les autres. Miles Byrne confesses that in the south " the United Irish system was scarcely known there at that time," although " the people everywhere sighed for that equality of civil and re- ligious liberty so long refused to them." But no amount of sighs will break fetters. If the evidence of

1 Lazare Hoche (1768-1797). Having successfully pacified La Vendee and Brittany, and proved triumphant at Quiberon, he was appointed to the above command. His victories over the Austrians in the spring of 1797 were only arrested by the Peace of Leoben, 1 9th April, 1797.

2 A detailed account of this expedition will be found in the authors' Napoleon and the Invasion of England, Vol. I., pp. 5-23.

3 Creasy's Invasions of England, Vol. II., p. 209.

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION 23

the London Gazette * is to be relied upon, the country people in that part of Ireland, far from being well- disposed towards the French, facilitated the march of the yeomanry and volunteer corps, cleared the roads of snow, shared their humble provender with them, and showed intense loyalty. " In short," says Lord Camden, the Lord-Lieutenant, " the general good disposition of the people through the south and west was so prevalent that had the enemy landed their hope of assistance from the inhabitants would have been totally disappointed. From the armed yeo- manry government derived the most honorable assist- ance." z

Charles Hamilton Teeling,3 at the time a state prisoner in Dublin, tells a different tale. " Hurry, confusion, and disorder, marked the advance of the army," he relates ; "all was terror, doubt and dismay ; troops disaffected, horses wanting, the munitions of war badly supplied, and even the bullet was unfitted to the calibre of the cannon, which a defective com- missariat had supplied.4 . . . But the elements pro- tected the empire for Britain, and the country was preserved from the havoc of war. Hoche was sepa- rated from his troops by the winter's storm ; and the army having no instructions to land in his absence, the expedition returned to the ports of France. This

1 See issues of the 3rd and 7th January, 1797.

2 Ibid., 1 7th January, 1797.

3 Charles Hamilton Teeling (1778-1850), brother of Bartholo- mew Teeling, a prominent rebel.

* " Nine-pound shot was provided for six-pound cannon." — Note by Teeling, p. 39.

24 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

was a most interesting period for Ireland — a single breeze might have rendered it the most eventful." 1

In reality, two things conspired to thwart the am- bitions of Hoche, the foul weather which separated the fleet, and the indecision of Grouchy,2 who had 6,500 men under him when he reached Bantry Bay. Teeling's remark about " the army having no instruc- tions to land " may be technically correct, but Admiral Bouvet, Grouchy, and the remaining officers certainly held a council of war and agreed to disembark the troops, a decision which the military commander, who was supreme once the vessels were at anchor, failed to carry out, partly because of Bouvet's half-hearted support.3 The visit of an Irish peasant to one of the ships who volunteered the information that there were 20,000 troops in the neighbourhood of Bantry and that Lord Bridport's fleet was "off the Cape" was not encouraging.4 If the entire French force of 14,000 men had set foot in Ireland and been supported by the second expedition which Hoche had urged the

1 History of the Irish Rebellion of 1798 : a Personal Narrative. By Charles Hamilton Teeling (Glasgow : Cameron and Ferguson), pp. 39-40. The book was first published in 1828.

2 Emmanuel, Marquis de Grouchy (1766-1847), Marshal of France. For his services in connection with the pacification of La Vendee he was made General of division, 1793. Joined the Army of Italy under Joubert, 1798, and fought throughout the Napoleonic Wars. Created a peer, 1832. He is principally known to history as Napoleon's scapegoat at Waterloo.

3 Projets et Tentatives de Debarquement aux lies Britanniques. Par Edouard Desbriere. (Paris: R. Chapelot et Cie, 1902.) Vol.1., p. 200.

* A Journal of the Movements of the French Fleet, in Bantry Bay, from their first Appearance to their final Departure ; Compiled from Notes taken on the spot, by Edward Morgan (Cork, 1797), p. 54.

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION 25

Directory to equip, the independence of Ireland might have been accomplished, for the north would certainly have risen. The optimism of the Lord Lieutenant is not justified by figures, for when Grouchy was hesitating within sight of land there were but 3,000 or 4,000 men to oppose him from Cork to Bantry, but two pieces of artillery, and a total lack of ammunition and provisions.1

According to Morgan's account, " there could not have been more than 400 troops in the town of Bantry, 150 in Drumaleague, and about 1,200 in the town of Dunmanway, between which place and Bantry, half way, the intended stand was to have been made. This small army, when collected, might amount to 1,800 men. Allowing this force to be very inadequate to the desperate nature of the service for which it was intended, and that it was augmented by the troops in the towns of Bandon and Cloghnakilty, both of which places were near twenty miles from Drumaleague bridge, the entire force then would not amount to more than 4,000 men, of which about 800 were Cavalry. Allowing this number of troops collected, and that they arrived at the disputed bridge in time to make the necessary dispositions to oppose the pro- gress of the enemy's march ; they must have laboured under a disadvantage which, in the opinion of some military men, must have rendered their defeat certain and decisive ; — it was no less than (almost) the total want of cannon. The only ordnance the troops could have brought to the ground, were two incon-

1 Auckland Correspondence, Vol. III., p. 376.

26 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

siderable six-pounders, and which were never removed from the town of Dunmanway." J Even the British fleet was missing, and although Sir Edward Pellew,2 with two or three frigates, had watched the enemy at Brest, their armament had reached Bantry before Admiral Colpoys,3 his senior officer, was aware that his quarry had left port.

" It is quite fresh in my memory," Miles Byrne solilo- quises, " and I shall never forget it, the mournful silence, the consternation of the poor people at the different chapels on Christmas Day and the following Sunday, after learning that the French had not landed, and that the French fleet had returned to France. Had Hoche been in command of his troops in the Bay of Bantry, instead of Grouchy, he would have landed them immediately, and from that moment the then English Government was shaken to its centre." 4

In a proclamation which Hoche issued " To the French Army destined to Assist the Irish Revolution " the day before the expedition set sail, the commander insisted that they were going to people who were friends, " that we must treat them as such, and not as a conquered people." A march to London to teach Pitt a lesson was to be the master-stroke. Pitt ever seems to have been the bete noire of the French at this period. Making due allowance for the good intentions

1 Morgan, pp. 22-23.

a Sir Edward Pellew (1757-1833). He was raised to the Peerage in 1814 as Baron Exmouth.

3 Sir John Colpoys (circa 1742-1821), a prominent figure in the mutiny at Spithead, 1797.

* Memoirs of Miles Byrne. Edited by his widow (Dublin: 1907), Vol. I., p. 5.

GENERAL LAZARK HOCHE From a contemporary portrait in the collection of Mr. A . M, Kroadley

THE SEEDS OF SEDITION 27

of " the pacificator of La Vende'e," it is doubtful whether his Government would have allowed the Irish to manage their own affairs had the British yoke been thrown off. In all probability Ireland would have been made a base for French expeditions against " perfidious Albion." It was an age of international piracy. The Republic was not given to helping lame dogs over stiles without some ulterior object in view.

Hoche continued to cherish thoughts of another expedition, but within nine months of his return he was a dead man. The Dublin Press, a fiery newspaper of the revolutionary type, published the following eulogy : 1

" WEEP ! Gallia weep ! in sorrow droop thy head. Thy Hoche, thy hero, and thy friend is dead ; That man so truly great in freedom's cause, That brave defender of his country's laws ; Who, from her fields the Pitt-leagued tyrants chased, And all the hordes of slaves that laid them waste ; Made the crown'd robbers of his native soil, Shake on their blood-stain'd thrones and quit their spoil. Now pale and breathless, lo ! the hero lies, As envious fate had call'd him to the skies, But still unconquered, tho' resigned his breath, He springs immortal from the arms of death ; O ! friend of man, upon thy honoured bier, The good and brave shall drop a grateful tear ; Bright fame, thy virtues from oblivion save, And snatch thy honours from the silent grave, From age to age thy glorious deeds impart, And make thy monument each Patriot's heart."

1 Popular Songs, Illustrative of the French Invasions of Ireland. Edited, with Introductions and notes, by T. Crofton Croker (London : The Percy Society, 1847), Parts III. and IV., p. 32 n.

28 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

The Irish military returns for 1797 show an increase of 18,655 regulars and fencibles, the militia remaining at the same figure as in the previous twelve months, and a vote was taken also for yeomanry, both horse and foot.1 Reinforcements were slow in arriving, however, and for the reasons stated in the following dispatch2 :

"Horse Guards 22d Apl, 1797.

" Sir,

" I have the honour to acquaint Your Majesty that Mr Dundas has just been with me by the desire of the Duke of Portland who is gone to attend Your Majesty at Windsor, to inform me that in consequence of the last dispatches from the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Your Majesty's Ministers thought it absolutely necessary to recommend to Your Majesty that a re- inforcement both of Cavalry and Infy should be sent to Ireland as speedily as possible.

" Under the present circumstances of the Troops in this Country, it would be impossible to spare any regular Cavalry, and as almost the whole of the Re- cruits of the Infantry of the Line are Irish it would be by no means a Politic Measure to send any of yr Regular Battalions to Ireland. I should therefore humbly propose to Your Majesty that the Force to be immediately sent should consist of two Fencible Regi- ments of Cavalry and Three of Infantry.

" Should Your Majesty approve of this Proposal I should recommend that the Romney and Ayrshire

1 Fortescue, Vol. IV., Part 2, p. 938. * Mr. Broadley's Georgian MSS,

29

should be the regiments of Fencible Cavalry for Ireland, both of whom have offered their Services, and that the Three regiments of Fencible Infantry should be the Dumbarton and Durham from Guernsey, and the Northumberland from Jersey. And in order not to diminish too much the Forces in these last Mentioned Islands, that the 6ist Regt. should be sent from Poole to Guernsey, and the Loyal Irish Fencible Infantry from the Coast of Yorkshire to Jersey. " I have the honor to be

"&c.

" (signed) FREDERICK. "To The King."

CHAPTER II

THE REIGN OF MARTIAL LAW

When the people rebel the people are always right.

GOETHE.

FAR from forwarding the cause of Irish independence, the French attempt had an exactly opposite effect. Government took up a most arbitrary position, whereas it is quite possible that had concessions been granted the smoking flax might have been quenched.1 The good behaviour of the peasants at Hoche's approach is sufficient evidence that the wish for a rising was by no means general. Martial law became the order of the day in several counties, and on the i3th March, 1797, Lieutenant-General Lake,2 then commanding the Northern District, gave notice that he had " re-

1 See particularly Philip Harwood's History of the Irish Rebellion of 1798 (London: 1848), pp. 121-123.

2 Gerald Lake (1744-1808), first Viscount Lake of Delhi and Leswarree. Served in the Seven Years' War, 1760-1762, in North Carolina, and in Holland, 1793. His first experience in Ireland was as aide-de-camp to General Sir Richard Pierson, and in 1794 he was appointed Governor of Limerick. Commanded in Ulster, December, 1796- April, 1798. Commander-in-Chief from the 25th April, 1798, until the 2oth June, 1798. Commander-in-Chief in India, 1800-1807 (with a brief interval), and as such defeated the Mahrattas, reduced Agra, took from Scindia all his posses- sions beyond the river Chumbul, and defeated Holkar.

3°

THE REIGN OF MARTIAL LAW 31

ceived authority and directions to act in such manner as the public safety may require." This proclamation, half threat and half compromise, is so important as to warrant its reproduction in full :

" Belfast, March 13, 1797.

" WHEREAS the daring and horrid outrages in many parts of this province, evidently perpetrated with a view to supersede the laws and the administra- tion of justice by an organised system of murder and robbery, have increased to such an alarming degree, as from their atrocity and extent to bid defiance to the civil power, and to endanger the lives and proper- ties of his Majesty's faithful subjects ; and whereas, the better to effect their traitorous purposes, several persons who have been enrolled under the authority of his Majesty's commission, and others, have been forcibly and traitorously deprived of their arms ; it is therefore become indispensably necessary for the safety and protection of the well-disposed to interpose the King's troops under my command : and I do hereby give notice that I have received authority and directions to act in such manner as the public safety may require. I do therefore hereby enjoin and require all persons in this district (peace officers and those serving in a military capacity excepted), forth- with to bring in and surrender up all arms and ammu- nition which they may have in their possession to the officer commanding the King's troops in their neigh- bourhood.

" I trust that an immediate compliance with this

32 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

order may render any act of mine to enforce it un- necessary.

" Let the people seriously reflect, before it is too late, on the ruin into which they are rushing ; let them reflect upon their present prosperity, and the miseries in which they will inevitably be involved by persisting in acts of positive rebellion ; let them in- stantly, by surrendering up their arms, and by restor- ing those traitorously taken from the King's forces, rescue themselves from the severity of military au- thority. Let all the loyal and well-intentioned act together with energy and spirit in enforcing subordina- tion to the laws, and restoring tranquillity in their respective neighbourhoods, and they may be assured of protection and support from me.

" And I do hereby invite all persons who are enabled to give information touching arms or ammunition which may be concealed, immediately to communicate the same to the several officers commanding his Majesty's forces in their respective districts ; and, for their encouragement and reward, I do hereby promise and engage that strict and inviolate secresy shall be observed with respect to all persons who shall make such communication, and that every person who shall make it shall receive a reward the full value of all such arms and ammunition as shall be seized in con- sequence thereof.

" G. LAKE, Lieutenant-General

" Commanding the Northern District."

Two months later even more decisive measures were taken. A proclamation issued on the iyth May offering

THE REIGN OF MARTIAL LAW 33

a general amnesty to all who would surrender and deliver up their arms on or before the 24th June was followed by an order which virtually handed over the country to the whims of the soldiery :

" Adjutant-General's Office, i8th May, 1797.

" In obedience to an order of the Lord-Lieutenant in Council, it is the Commander-in-Chief's commands that the military do act without waiting for directions from the civil magistrate in dispersing any tumul- tuous or unlawful assemblies of persons threatening the peace of the realm and the safety of the lives and property of his Majesty's loyal subjects wheresoever collected." l

This was a terrible weapon to put in the hands of the military. Lake succeeded in collecting no fewer than 29,583 firelocks, pikes, etc., in Ulster and Leinster alone.2 The United Irishmen, intimidated but still undaunted, pursued the uneven tenor of their ways, mapped out the land, collected statistics likely to be of service, and made covert preparations for a coming finale. " It is evident," we are told in the Memoirs of Lord Edward FitzGerald,3 " that there was still arms enough in their possession to give them confidence in their own strength, as their first impulse was to rise and employ them against their despoilers." Miles Byrne says that " United Irishmen were made by thousands daily,"4 and although this is probably an exaggera-

1 Diary of Sir John Moore. Edited by Major-General Sir J. F. Maurice, K.C.B. (London : 1904), Vol. I., p. 285.

2 Report of the Secret Committee, Appendix, No. XXXIX., p. 298.

3 p. 239.

4 Memoirs of Miles Byrne, Vol. I., p. 6.

D

34 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

tion, it is certain that the number of recruits was rapidly growing.

It is no good disguising the patent fact that, in the words of Alison, these threats " failed in producing any pacification." He mentions the proclamation of the i7th of May, but does not refer to the order issued on the following day. " In effect," he adds, " the search for arms was productive of the very worst results, and contributed more than any other circumstance to spread hatred at the English rule in the whole island. The regular military force being so small, it was only by the militia and yeomanry that the search could in general be made ; and it was just setting one portion of the population, in the highest state of exasperation, to lord it over the other. The living at free quarters, and the domiciliary visits in search of arms, conducted by these zealous but over-excited and disorderly bands, were too often executed with an amount of harshness and cruelty which awakened an uncon- trollable thirst for vengeance.1 Above all, the cus- tom, which soon became too common, of inflicting military flogging in order to compel the disclosure and surrender of arms, excited universally the most in- dignant feelings, and has more than any other circumstance fixed hatred at the British Government in Ireland." 2

1 Both Lake and Knox advocated the burning of houses. — See A History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century. By William Edward Hartpole Lecky (London: ed. 1892), Vol. IV., p. 203.

2 Lives of Lord Castlereagh and Sir Charles Stewart. By Sir Archibald Alison, Bart. (Edinburgh : William Blackwood and Sons, 1861), Vol. I., p. 46.

35

The yeomanry had been embodied as the result of a proposal made by Government towards the end of 1796. In the Report from the Comynittee of Secrecy it is observed " with great satisfaction, that the estimate for the yeomanry as first laid before Parliament was for a number not exceeding 20,000 men — that in the course of six months above 37,000 were arrayed ; and that the zeal of the country had so risen with its diffi- culties, that during the late rebellion, the yeomanry force exceeded 50,000 men, and might have been in- creased to a much greater extent. It is unnecessary to recal to the recollection and gratitude of parliament and of the country, the services they have performed during the unhappy struggle in which we have been engaged ; sharing all the hardships and dangers, and performing all the duties in common with the King's regular and militia forces." 1 As a general rule each company consisted of about fifty men, the majority of them cavalry, with a captain and two lieutenants. Those mounted on horses were provided with a pistol and a sword, sometimes a carbine, the infantry having weapons similar to those of the regular troops.2 The following letters from Lord Mount Norris show that while he did not anticipate that Wexford was to raise the biggest crop of sedition, he was particularly anxious that his corps should be fully equal to any emergency that might arise :

1 Report from the Committee of Secrecy. Reported by the Rt. Hon. Lord Viscount Castlereagh, Martis 21° die Augusti, 1798, p. 5.

z History of the Rebellion in Ireland in the Year ifg8, etc. By the Rev. James Gordon (Dublin: 1801), pp. 62-63.

36 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

[Undated.]

" I have received your letter, and should be very sorry, my Dear Sir, to be of your opinion relative to the County of Wexford, where I do really believe the baneful Spirit of Defenderism had made some Progress, but not to that Degree you suppose. I never will suffer so narrow an Idea to warp my Mind ' that the Mass of the People have been corrupted/ for as a Christian I never can permit Suspicion to amount in my Breast to the Evidence of positive Fact, for I have no right to judge any man, nor to put the worst Construction on every man's actions, as that would argue a Distrust of all the World ! What a melancholy pitiful Predicament should we find ourselves in, were we to be cramped with Doubts of the Sincerity of every man's Sentiments and conduct ! Was I even to sport a Solicism on this occasion, nothing should induce me to forgo the Idea ! The Army are ready and every thing shall be prepared to prevent Delay in Dublin. As I shall be anxious to consult, on this and every future occasion, the Convenience of our Corps, you will have the Goodness to apprize Chillingworth two days before you set out, as he will have two Cars sent to Town for oats, and they can bring back the Arms. I have got so great an Inflamation in my left Eye, that I can scarcely see to add that I am, My dear Sir,

" Your's faithfully,

„ ,TT ., . . r ,, • " M* NORRIS."

Write to me on receipt of this. [" Address : Lieut* Smyth,1

Camolin Cavalry, Bally duff."]

1 In the Detail Book the name is invariably spelt " Smith."

THE REIGN OF MARTIAL LAW 37

" Dear Sir, " March 9th. *797-

" I thank you for your letter. The Disappoint- ment about the Belts has been great to me, and the sad Illness with which I have been afflicted of late, has vexed me, having prevented my return to my Corps, at which I have been not a little vexed. I am glad to find that Peter Crannel is entered, and I beg he may [be] attested, as it is a proper form to go thro'. It is a pleasing Circumstance, to have Tennants and Neighbours of respectability in our Volunteer Associa- tion, in our common Cause. The Helmets may be given out whenever L1 Bookey and you shall think proper. I only deferred the giving them out 'till I went down to the Country. You will please to give Crannel his, and also to reserve one for the other Person you wish to come into our Troop, who you wd not recommend to my Protection, did you not think him worthy of it. I have written this letter with a good deal of Pain, as I am slowly recovering from a Pleuresy, which was very violent. " I am, My dear sir,

" very faithfully Yrs,

" M* NORRIS."

[Address : " Dublin March nine, 1797. Lieut1 Smyth, Camolin Cavalry, Ballyduff, Gorey. — Mount Norris."]

" Dear Sir, " March l6th> *797-

" You could not have introduced two young men into our Corps, of better Character than young Crannel and young Bass, and when we can pick a very

38 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

few equally respectable, I shall be glad to have them substituted in the Room of those, who have been least diligent and attentive. I am recovering, tho' slowly. I long to be in the Country. " I am, my dear Sir,

" faithfully Your's,

" M* NORRIS.

" Give my Service to our brother Volunteers. Tell Jimmy Blake that I have not time to write to-day, but shall by next Post."

[Address : " Dublin March Sixteen, 1797. L* Smyth, Ballyduff, Gorey. — Mount Norris."]

t( ~ ~. Dublin, March 20, 1797.

" I thank you much for your letter, and for the requisition which young Brownrigg of Ballywater, young Crannel, and young Bass must be to any Corps. L* Bookey and you will consult who ought to be struck out of the Roll, to make room for them. Mess18 Clifford and Barrington, for non attendance, should be struck off the Roll, and I think that Carty can best be spared next to them. I will again write to George Sparks, who I trust will give due attendance, for un- less our Corps do appear on Duty, they are doing an Injury, instead of rendering a Service to me and to my Friends. I hope to be able to attend Parade on Sunday, God willing.

" I am, Dear Sir,

" Your's faithfully,

" MOUNT NORRIS.

FACSIMILK OF ONE OF THE MOUNT XORRIS I.KTTERS

THE REIGN OF MARTIAL LAW 39

[Address : " Dublin March Twenty one, 1797. L* Smyth, Camolin Cavalry, Ballyduff, Ballycanon, Gorey. — Mount Norris."]

" Dear Sir, March 28th> J797-

" Even if I had not had a Relapse, I should have been tempted to wait a few days for Sir F. Flood,1 with whom I am to set off, God willing, for my Troop on Thursday. Surely my young friend Fitz Henry cannot think of quitting our Volunteer Corps at this time, when we are upon the Eve, I may say, of being inspected, and when his appearance, as one of our Body, is so much to be desired. If this should be the Case, I am sure that he will not desert his Friends at so critical a Juncture, when the Honor of the Yeoman is at stake. I thank you for getting young Brownrigg, Crannel and Bass enrolled. There is nothing new in Town, but we are impatient for good Accounts from the British Fleets.2

" I am, Dear Sir,

" Your's faithfully,

" MOUNT NORRIS.

[Address : " Dublin March Twenty Eight, 1797. L* Smyth, Ballyduff, Ballycanon, Gorey. — Mount Norris."]

1 Sir Frederick Flood (1741-1824); M.P. for Co. Wexford 1776; created a baronet 1780 ; M.P. for Wexford in Imperial Parliament 1800-1818. He took a prominent part in the Volunteer movement, and vigorously opposed the Union.

8 The invasion of Wales by Hoche's Black Legion under Colonel Tate, on the 22nd February, 1797, was still " the talk of the town," and other attempts were thought imminent. For a full account of this expedition of jail-birds see Napoleon and the Invasion of

40 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

In addition to the yeomanry corps there was the militia, made up of raw recruits for the most part, the term of enlistment having expired at a most unpro- pitious and unfortunate time, with the inevitable result that there was more than a suggestion of the ranks being tainted by sedition. All sorts and con- ditions of men were to be met with in this body, and as the majority of the militia were Roman Catholics and their officers Protestants who had " so little sense or prudence as not to conceal their prejudices," 1 the internal condition of some of the regiments may be imagined. Insubordination was almost as general as falling leaves in autumn. The rebels were frequently recruited by deserters from the militia, and they cer- tainly looked forward to the day when, augmented by their diffident French allies, that body would cede and become definitely attached to the Irish revolu- tionary cause.

The troops under Lord Carhampton and General Lake lost all restraint, ran amok, plundered and pillaged, and put men, women, and children to the sword. The former officer resigned in November, 1797, and was succeeded by Sir Ralph Abercromby.2 " That

England, Vol. I., pp. 31-73. The British navy gave a good account of itself during the year. On the i4th February the fleet under Admiral Sir John Jervis won a magnificent victory over the Spanish fleet off St. Vincent, and on the nth October the Dutch fleet was crippled off Camperdown by Admiral Duncan. See post, p. 64.

1 Diary of Sir John Moore, Vol. I., p. 275.

2 Sir Ralph Abercromby (1734-1801), K.B. 1795 ; Lieutenant- General 1797. Served with the Duke of York in Holland ; com- manded the Egyptian expedition 1801. Defeated the French at Aboukir, the 8th March, 1801, and at Alexandria, the 2ist inst, when he was mortally wounded.

THE REIGN OF MARTIAL LAW 41

fierce light which beats upon a throne" is as nothing compared to the searching rays which have been flooded upon the future hero of Aboukir and his policy in Ireland. To some historians he is a military Fitz- william, and would have been the saviour of the country ; to others, including Froude, he is scarcely more than a rebel in royalist clothing. But is Froude correct when he asserts that Abercromby was " entirely ignorant of Ireland " ? l Hay flatly contradicts the assertion by stating that, " having been quartered in Ireland, through most of his gradations of well- merited promotion, he possessed a perfect local know- ledge of the country." 2 In this he is supported by Lecky, who says : "He knew Ireland well, having been quartered there before the outbreak of the war of the American Revolution, and having remained there during the whole period of its continuance." 3 We know from Abercromby's letters to his son that he made a personal inspection of the districts which had been proclaimed, and far from seeing eye to eye with Camden, found few places where the slightest signs of disturbance were evident. Froude makes much capital out of the fact that he " forbade the soldiers to act anywhere under any circumstances in suppressing riots, arresting criminals, or in any other function, without the presence and authority of a magistrate." 4 In other words, he disobeyed the order of the i8th

1 Froude, Vol. III., p. 352.

2 History of the Insurrection of the County of Wexford, A.D.

By Edward Hay, Esq. (Dublin: 1803), p. 43.

3 Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 197.

4 Froude, Vol. III., p. 352.

42 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

May, which order, in Gordon's opinion, was " a temporary violation of the political constitution for its ultimate safety." * This is merely a polite way of saying that it was illegal, and we think his judgment a just one. Abercromby certainly restrained his troops in this as in other matters. " Sir Ralph told me," says Moore, " that the proclamation and order in consequence of it, formerly issued in Lord Car- hampton's time, had never been acted upon [i.e. by Abercromby] ; but a special order and Act of in- demnity and pardon having since passed, they were considered as thereby annulled. In one instance only since his arrival at a place in the north had an officer acted without a magistrate, and he was immediately stopt." 2 While we cannot condemn Froude for not having knowledge of this particular document, there is one from Camden to Abercromby dated the i5th March, 1798, in which the former says, " You have had the candour to acknowledge that you did not consider the proclamation of May 18 as then in force," 3 which he ignores.

Froude further remarks that " In issuing an order in direct contradiction of the Lord-Lieutenant, Sir Ralph Abercrombie was himself setting a most signal example of the insubordination which he condemned ; and had he been as right essentially as he was utterly wrong and headstrong, his manner of proceeding would have been without excuse." 4 He then pro-

1 Gordon, p. 25.

2 Diary of Sir John Moore, pp. 286-287.

3 Dunfermline's Abercromby, p. 101.

4 Froude, Vol. III., p. 353.

THE REIGN OF MARTIAL LAW 43

ceeds to tell us that Camden, without saying a word to Abercromby or to the Cabinet, renewed his own instructions. The command of the Lord-Lieutenant being supreme in military, as in other matters, he presumably had a right to do so, but it was an unjust procedure from Abercromby's point of view and left him in a very unhappy position. It is evident from Camden's reply to Portland when the latter got to hear of the affair, that the Viceroy did not wish to stir up strife. " He had therefore passed it over and explained it away, and in Ireland it was already for- gotten." 1 Then why did the home Government raise the question so persistently ? Ireland and Camden being satisfied, England should have ceased to probe the wound.

Lecky shows us the other side of the shield, and points out that Abercromby not only accepted the command with great reluctance, but wrote to England " that he understood that, with the exception of the patronage, the army was to be totally under his com- mand ; and that he must come to a clear understand- ing on this point, as a command divided between him- self and the Lord-Lieutenant was entirely incom- patible with good administration ; while Camden wrote confidentially that Abercromby was not easy to get on with, and very peremptory about managing military matters himself." 2 The historian also admits that, while many of the outrages were " mere isolated

1 Froude, Vol. III., p. 354.

2 Dalrymple to Pelham, igth Nov. ; Knox to Pelham, 29th Nov. ; Abercromby to Elliot, 2$th Dec. ; Camden to Pelham, 26th Dec., I797- — Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 198.

44 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

acts of drunken or half-disciplined soldiers ... a large class, of which the burning of houses formed the most conspicuous example, were illegal acts of violence deliberately carried out in places where murders had been committed or where arms had been concealed, and deliberately screened by men in authority from the intervention of the law courts." x Abercromby's famous general orders enjoining all commanding offi- cers " to compel from all officers under their command the strictest and most unremitting attention to the discipline, good order, and conduct of their men, such as may restore the high and distinguished reputation the British troops have been accustomed to enjoy in every part of the world," are noticed elsewhere.2 Lecky says that these orders were " certainly not un- called for by the circumstances of the case," 3 and quotes part of Pelham's defence in Parliament, which Froude ignores. The same authority goes further by drawing our attention to the various unscrupulous methods of the cabal against the man whom Clare 4 called " this Scotch beast." 5 He thinks that Aber- cromby " greatly underrated the extent of the con- spiracy, and the real imminence of the danger," 6 but of the honest purpose of the Commander he has no

1 Lecky, Vol. IV., pp. 201-202.

2 See post, p. 301.

3 Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 204.

* John Fitzgibbon (1749-1802), Baron Fitzgibbon 1789 ; Earl of Clare 1795 ; Lord Fitzgibbon in England 1799 ; Attorney- General in Ireland 1783 ; Irish Chancellor 1789-1802.

5 Auckland Correspondence, Vol. III., pp. 393-397 (quoted by Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 207).

6 Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 213.

THE REIGN OF MARTIAL LAW 45

doubt. Lecky thus concludes : " Abercromby is nearly the last figure of any real interest that, in the eighteenth century, flitted across the troubled scene of Irish politics. He left Ireland towards the end of April, just a month before the rebellion broke out, and he was replaced by Lake, who, more, perhaps, than any other military man, was associated with the abuses which Abercromby had tried to check. The reign of simple force was established beyond dispute, and the men whose policy had driven Lord Fitzwilliam from Ireland, and Grattan from Parliament, were now omnipotent." 1 Froude gives us a different epitaph : " He [Abercromby] seemed to have come to Ireland to effect the utmost extremity of mischief which his opportunities allowed him." 2

There can be little doubt that Camden was dis- appointed in the promotion of Abercromby to the post of Commander-in-Chief. He had hoped, with some reason, that Cornwallis 3 would have occupied the position. Writing to the latter on the 23rd May, 1797, urging him to do so, he says " that that patriotism would be still more extended if you could be prevailed upon to accept the Lord Lieutenancy of this kingdom." One must not infer that this was a mere passing pleasantry, but it is significant that Camden adds

1 Lecky, Vol. IV., pp. 214-215.

2 Froude, Vol. III., p. 375.

3 Charles Mann (1738-1805), first Marquis and second Earl Cornwallis. Commanded in American War, forced to surrender 1781 ; Governor of Bengal 1786-1793 ; Viceroy and Commander- in-Chief in Ireland 1798-1801 ; negotiated Peace of Amiens 1801- 1802 ; Governor-General of India, 1805.

46 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

that he understands that Cornwallis would on "no consideration " accept the post. " The commission which I hold," he goes on, " renders my name and assent necessary to the official forms of business. If I knew in what manner consistent with that com- mission to divest myself of that part of my duty, I should immediately adopt it, but if I am constrained to keep it, I beg to deliver over to your Lordship every military regulation, and to put that part of my office into your hands." * If Camden was willing to allow this to Cornwallis, why did he not extend the same favour to Abercromby ? The question apparently admits of two answers : either he did not like the general, or he had not sufficient reliance on his military skill, in which case he should have raised a strong objection at Downing Street. Cornwallis was a more easy-going individual, and not so likely to dispute with " the king of the Castle " — in this case, of Dublin Castle. " For your private ear," Cornwallis tells Major-General Ross on the 3Oth March, 1798, " Aber- cromby is coming from Ireland. He has been ex- ceedingly wrongheaded." 2 Wrongheaded in not making friends with Camden presumably, for we know that Cornwallis censured the behaviour of the troops himself when he came face to face with the problem.

Abercromby resigned the command when it was obvious that under the present system little could be done to calm the popular indignation or curb the law- lessness of the troops. According to Froude he " closed

1 Cornwallis Correspondence, Vol. II., pp. 327-328. * Ibid., p. 335.

THE REIGN OF MARTIAL LAW 47

a petulant defence of his conduct with an abrupt resignation." * In reality he surrendered his post and explicitly stated his reasons at the same time to the Duke of York, the Commander-in-Chief of the British Army. His alleged abruptness did not pre- clude him from continuing in his almost untenable position until his successor was appointed. " The loss of Abercromby," writes Elliot,2 "will not easily be repaired."3 We cannot but feel that Lord Hol- land's*4 remarks on this particular affair are just. " His recall," writes the champion of the Whigs, " was hailed as a triumph by the Orange faction ; and they contrived about the same time to get rid of Mr. Secre- tary Pelham,5 who, though somewhat timeserving, was a goodnatured and prudent man. Indeed, sur- rounded as they were with burning cottages, tortured backs, and frequent executions, they were yet full of their sneers at what they whimsically termed the ' clemency ' of the Government, and the weak character of their Viceroy, Lord Camden." 6

1 Froude, Vol. III., p. 355.

2 William Elliot (or Elliott), Under Secretary in Ireland 1797- 1801 ; Chief Secretary 1806-1807.

3 Elliot to Pelham, 3rd June, 1798. — Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 397. * Henry Richard Vassall Fox (1773-1840), third Lord Holland.

Lord Privy Seal 1806-7. He was nephew of Charles James Fox, and an ardent Whig and Napoleonic partisan.

5 Rt. Hon. Thomas Pelham (1756-1826), Chief Secretary in Ireland 1783 and 1795, resigned the 2nd November, 1798, but remained Secretary of State for Ireland. Became second Earl of Chichester 1805.

6 Memoirs of the Whig Party during my Time, Vol. I., p. 112. This book was not published until after Lord Holland's death.

When they be bad, you shall no where meet with worse ; if they be good, you can hardly find better.— GlRALDUS CAMBRENSIS.

IN the autumn of 1797 it became evident that the general dissatisfaction of the Irish people had spread to Wexford. The discovery that a number of blacksmiths had been paying more attention to the manufacturing of pike-heads than to the more legitimate work of shoeing horses and mend- ing vehicles was as disconcerting as it was unexpected. The county people began to fear for their safety, and at a meeting of magistrates held at Gorey on the 20th November, 1797, 16 out of 142 parishes were pro- claimed.1 Lord Mount Norris and seven other magis- trates were in the minority, and wished to quell the turbulent Roman Catholics by more peaceful methods. Accompanied by several colleagues the former made a tour of the neighbouring chapels during the time of service and endeavoured to conciliate the congrega- tions. We are therefore not inclined to agree with

1 Hay (p. 52) gives this number, Musgrave (p. 320) states it as 19. Sir Richard Musgrave (circa 1757-1818), first baronet 1782 ; M.P. for Lismore 1778. Although so pro-English he opposed the Union.

48

THE OLIVE BRANCH IN WEXFORD 49

Sir Richard Musgrave, although he was Lord Mount Norris's brother-in-law, that his lordship was per- suaded " that the popish inhabitants and their priests were perfectly innocent." x Were this so there would have been no reason for the visits. On the contrary, Taylor states that the Earl, " like a true friend to his country, expostulated with them on the unreasonable- ness of their proceedings. His Lordship pointed out to them the happiness resulting from the constitution under which they lived ; that a man of any persuasion whatever, though his descent were ever so mean, who should advance himself by honest means in the world, and from nothing acquire abundance, would be pro- tected by it, and that it was very wicked and ungrateful to attempt to destroy those protectors of our persons, rights and freedom ; that the laws of the realm pro- tected the poorest cottager from the cruelties of a rich oppressor ; and that there was no such thing as wanton barbarity in our land. His lordship entreated them to surrender the weapons of their rebellion, and invited them to come in and take the oath of allegiance ; he proposed to give them certificates of the same, and hoped they would return to their duty. They all seemed to be convinced, and several of the neighbour- ing parishes accordingly assembled, headed by their respective priests, and his Lordship administered to them the oath." 2

1 Musgrave, p. 320.

2 A History of the Rise, Progress, and Suppression of the Rebellion in the County of Wexford in the Year 1798. By George Taylor (ed. Dublin, 1829), p. 1 8.

£

50 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

Taylor was a staunch member of the Church of England,1 and his narrative is based on personal knowledge and from information " received from gentlemen of the strictest veracity." 2 Hay, who was a Wexford man, and as intensely Roman Catholic as Taylor was loyalist, insinuates that Lord Mount Norris did not carry on his propaganda from purely patriotic motives. He remarks that the Earl " must be natur- ally supposed to feel substantial reasons for his oppo- sition to have the part of the county proclaimed wherein his property principally lay ; and it is to be fairly presumed, (whatever ground may be had by some reflecting people for thinking otherwise) that his lordship was not influenced on this occasion at least, by motives of opposition to Lord Ely,3 his successful rival in the patronage of the county. Shortly after this meeting at Gorey," he adds, " I spent some days at Camolin Park, the seat of Lord Mount Norris, while he was soliciting the people, from parish to parish, to take the oath of allegiance. His lordship requested I would use what influence I might possess with the priests in my neighbourhood, to induce them and their flocks to join in this general test of loyalty, in order, as he said, to put the catholic interest in the county of Wexford on the most respectable footing ;

1 A History of the Rise, Progress, and Suppression of the Rebellion in the County of Wexford in the Year 1798. By George Taylor (ed. Dublin: 1829), p. 177.

2 Ibid., p. v.

3 Charles, first Earl of Ely of the second creation (1738-1806). M.P. for Clonmines ; Teller of the Exchequer 1777-1793 ; Joint Paymaster-General in Ireland 1789-1806; created Lord Loftus in England 1801.

THE OLIVE BRANCH IN WEXFORD 51

suggesting at the same time, that from his ' great consequence and influence, his representation of facts must counteract and outweigh the misrepresentations of others.' He also showed me the oaths he usually administered on these occasions, and which he stated himself to have improved from time to time by several alterations : he produced one, in particular, which he conceived to be wrought up to the highest perfection of loyalty. Although I agreed with his lordship so far as really to think the county was then in a state of perfect peace and tranquillity, (and therefore thought this overweening parade unnecessary) yet I never believed him, notwithstanding all his lordship's strong professions to that effect, a sincere friend to catholics : I was rather strongly of opinion, that he affected a shew of concern for their interests, at this critical period, in mere opposition to the noble lord his com- petitor for influence.

" I therefore took the most civil means in my power of declining the interference to which his lordship would have directed my exertions. Lord Mount Norris, however, was not singular in courting catholic popu- larity at that time, for all the newspapers of the day teemed with addresses from the catholics throughout the island, published, not at the desire or at the ex- pence of the subscribers, but by the political man- oeuvrers who took the trouble of procuring them, to answer their private purposes, by playing them off against the schemes of other opponents." J

In the Authentic Detail of the Extravagant and In-

1 Hay, pp. 52-53-

52 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

consistent Conduct of Sir Richard Musgrave, Baronet; with a full Refutation of his Slander against " Edward Hay," which is printed as an appendix to the latter's History of the Insurrection, the author gives Lord Mount Norris credit for having been " remarkably active in suppressing the rebellion — [he] possessed a greater landed property than any other person in the county of Wexford, is a governor of that county, and a privy- counsellor of Ireland." * If historians had a special gift which enabled them to peer into the secret motives of a man's heart we should be able to refute or cor- roborate the above statements, but there is certainly nothing in the Mount Norris Correspondence which leads us to believe that the writer of the letters was a man whose only concern was for the safety of his own personal property. We presume that patriotism, like charity, begins at home, but true patriotism, un- like false charity, does not stay there. The documents are singularly clear of references to any damage the Earl may have suffered, although he was particularly intimate with Lieutenant Smyth, to whom most of them are addressed. We are by no means satisfied with Hay's cynical opinion that Lord Mount Norris " affected a shew of concern " in the interests of the Catholics. A martinet if you will, but intensely loyal by nature, the Earl was sufficiently a statesman to make pacific overtures before resorting to less humane measures. That many of the Catholics saw fit to dis- semble after they had sworn allegiance at his instiga- tion is a crime which cannot be laid at the door of the

1 p- is-

THE OLIVE BRANCH IN WEXFORD 53

man who administered the oath. There is no gain- saying the fact that the nobleman was himself de- ceived, and unwittingly misled others, as to the loyalty or peaceable intentions of the Romanists of Wexford. This is fully borne out by Gordon, whom Lecky de- scribes as " the most truthful and temperate of the loyalist historians." 1 The same authority even sug- gests that Lord Mount Norris's satisfactory reports had not a little to do with the defenceless condition of the county when the rebellion broke out.2

On the other hand, it is perfectly evident that he was no milksop. In a curious little volume entitled The Principles of Peace, Exemplified in the Conduct of the Society of Friends in Ireland, during the Rebellion of the Year 1798? the author, Dr. Thomas Hancock,4 relates an occurrence which can only refer to his lordship :

" A party of militia," he writes, " being stationed

at Ferns, the Earl of M , who commanded, came

to this Friend, and desired he would give up part of his house, which was then used as a store, for a guard- house for the soldiers. The requisition being sudden, the Friend was put to a stand what he should answer ; and, although he might have refused it on the ground of its being occupied as a store, yet, knowing that this inconvenience could be obviated, he was not easy to cloak the real cause of objection with any disguise or

1 Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 353.

2 Gordon, p. 87.

3 Thomas Hancock (1783-1849), M.D. of Edinburgh.

* Second ed., London, William Phillips, 1826. The first edition was published in the previous year.

54 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

subterfuge. Considering, therefore, that this was a fit opportunity to lift up the standard of Peace and to bear his testimony against War, he honestly told the commander ' that the apartment he requested was occupied as a store-room, — but besides, that the purposes for which it was wanted, were such as he could not unite with, having a conscientious scruple against War, and every thing connected with it."

Upon this, the Earl of M grew very angry, and

desired the soldiers who were with him to afford the Friend no protection, in case any disturbance should arise. To this observation, the latter replied, that ' he hoped he should not trust to, or apply for, military protection.' The commander went away greatly dis- pleased, and seemed to mark out this Friend as a dis- affected person ; indeed, he did not know how soon a prison might be his lot ; especially as one of the militia-men, who was quartered at his house for many weeks, being entertained at free cost, propagated many false reports of him, with respect to political matters ; so that his situation became increasingly perilous." J

It is interesting to know that the Quaker in question was not visited by the dire pains and penalties he contemplated.

An address signed by a number of priests and their parishioners, dated 26th November, 1797, appealed to the Earl " as our neighbour, as a magistrate, and as a

1 The Principles of Peace, Exemplified in the Conduct of the Society of Friends in Ireland, during the Rebellion of the Year PP- 56-57. Second ed., London, William Phillips, 1826.

THE OLIVE BRANCH IN WEXFORD 55

friend to humanity, to receive our oaths of allegiance, and to assure his Excellency, the Earl of Camden, that we are as firmly attached to the constitution, as any other members of the community, whatever our ene- mies may insinuate to the contrary." The recipient was also asked to " accept of our tribute of gratitude " for his opposition at the meeting held a few days before, and to convey " our acknowledgments to the seven other magistrates, who so liberally stepped forward, to justify us from an imputation which we reprobate as unprovoked and unmerited."

In all good faith, Lord Mount Norris and his col- leagues administered the oath to Fathers Nicholas Redmond, Nicholas Synnott, Francis Kavenagh, John Murphy, Michael Lacy, David Cullen, Michael Murphy, John Redmond, Nicholas Stafford, and Edmond Redmond.1 We shall see how some of these priests kept their vow as the narrative proceeds. Mus- grave prints a copy of the oath used on this oc- casion. It runs as follows :

" I DO sincerely promise and swear, upon the Holy Evangelists, that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to his majesty King George the third, and to the succession of his illustrious family to the throne. That I will, to the utmost of my power, support the constitution as by law established. That I will use every possible exertion to prevent and suppress all tumult, riot, or secret conspiracy. That I am not an United Irishman, and that I never will take the oaths of the United men. That I will give up all kinds of

1 Musgrave, Appendix No. XVII., pp. 79-80.

56 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

firearms, or offensive or defensive weapons, in my possession ; and that I will inform against any man keeping arms without being registered. All the above I most solemnly swear, in the presence of the Almighty, and as I hope to be saved, through the merits and mediation of my blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, without any equivocation or mental reserva- tion whatsoever. So help me God." 1

Taylor makes the following statement : " The parish of Boulavogue refused at first to comply, as the oath was so strict ; but Lord Mount Norris being dis- pleased with their refusal, made use of some expres- sions, signifying, that if they would not be persuaded, and take the oath, he would have the country so strongly defended, by quartering military in it, that they should then demean themselves as peaceable subjects through fear, if they would not now do it for love. This alarmed them, and they also conformed with the other parishes." 2 This would certainly seem like a threat did we not know that Father John Murphy 3

1 Musgrave, Appendix No. XVII., p. 80.

2 Taylor, pp. 18-19.

3 The Rev. John Murphy, coadjutor-priest of Boulavogue, was the son of Thomas Murphy, a farmer at Tincurry, a parish of Ferns. He was educated at a hedge-school kept by a man named Gun, and afterwards studied in Seville University, where it is supposed he took his degree of Doctor of Divinity. Murphy re- turned to Ireland in 1785. " Father John was rather under than over the ordinary stature of his countrymen," Kavanagh (p. 97) tells us, " but broad-chested and strong-limbed, of remarkable activity as well as strength. His complexion was florid, his features rather handsome, but their beauty lay more in the expression than in the shape. His white forehead rose over bright blue eyes, which, though they usually beamed with a cheerful smile, could at times flash forth a glance that indicated the fiery and intrepid soul which

THE OLIVE BRANCH IN WEXFORD 57

and his flock not only took the oath of allegiance, but on the Qth April, 1798, on behalf of himself and 757 inhabitants, signed an address to the Viceroy, which was duly presented by the Earl and Sir Thomas Esmond, " thus publickly to declare our unalterable attachment to his sacred Majesty King George the third ; and we do hereby declare, and in the most solemn manner pledge ourselves, to support with our lives, fortunes and influence, his Majesty's happy government established amongst us, determined as we are to exert ourselves for the suppression of re- bellion and sedition." Protestants were assured " of our sincere affection for them, and our absolute deter- mination to co-operate with them in every means in our power, for the support of this happy constitution, the suppression of rebellion, the welfare of his Majesty's government, and in love and loyalty to his sacred person." 1

According to Musgrave, the same address was also adopted by Father Michael Murphy of Ballycanew,2

in a just cause defies danger, and boldly confronts death itself. To personal advantages he united a most determined spirit, and a power, invaluable in a leader, of inspiring confidence into his followers." Father John must not be confused with a priest of the same name who acted as his aide-de-camp and was killed in the action at Kilcomney Hill (see Maxwell, p. 185).

1 Musgrave, Appendix No. XVII., p. 81.

2 Father Michael Murphy, curate of Ballycanew. He was born at Killnew, near Kilmuckridge, and was educated at a hedge- school on Oulart Hill. He displayed conspicuous ability, and was ordained in 1785 in the diocese of Ferns. Murphy afterwards entered the Irish College at Bordeaux, then under Abbe Glynn. Killed at the battle of Arklow, and interred in Castle Ellis church- yard.

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and all the priests who had signed the letter of 26th November, 1797, with the exception of Fathers John Redmond and David Cullen.1 Taylor, however, gives a different version of the declaration of loyalty made by Father Michael Murphy and the inhabitants of the parish of Ballycanew, which differs more in form than in substance from that noted above. It is dated the ist April, 1798 : 2

" May it please your Excellency,

" WE, the Roman Catholic inhabitants of the parish of Ballycanow, in the county of Wexford, this day assembled at the chapel of Ballycanow, holding in abhorrence the barbarous outrages lately committed, and seditious conspiracies now existing in this kingdom, by traitors and rebels, styling themselves United Irishmen, think it incumbent on us, thus publicly to avow and declare, our unalterable attachment and loyalty to our most revered and beloved Sovereign, King George the Third, and our determined resolution to support and maintain his rights and our happy Constitution. And we do further pledge ourselves to co-operate with our Protestant brethren of this kingdom, in opposing to the utmost of our power any foreign or domestic enemy, who may dare to invade his Majesty's dominions, or disturb the peace and tranquillity of this country.

" Resolved, that the above declaration be signed by our pastor, the Rev. Michael Murphy, and a few of the principal parishioners ; and that the same be sent

1 See ante, p. 55. z Taylor, pp. 21-22.

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to the Right Hon. Earl Mount Norris, with a request that his Lordship will transmit it to his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant.

" REV. MICHAEL MURPHY,

" Coadjutor Priest."

[Here follow fourteen signatures.]

Had such f ulsomeness been less common in addresses intended for official eyes in this century of laudatory utterances it is probable that suspicion would have been aroused, for the superlative often hides a multi- tude of sins. The Lord-Lieutenant replied through Lord Castlereagh x in a polite note to the Earl, dated Dublin Castle, i6th April, 1798, expressing " his entire reliance on the loyalty and zeal manifested by the persons who have subscribed it." Father Michael Murphy was duly informed, and the following covering note was also sent :

" Lord Mount Norris felt highly gratified by being employed to convey the address of the Catholic in- habitants of Ballycanow 2 to government, which was a striking test of their attachment to the constitution, and which from his perfect knowledge of their senti-

1 Robert Stewart (1769-1822), Viscount Castlereagh. Keeper of the Privy Seal in Ireland 1797 ; Chief Secretary for Ireland 1799-1801 ; President of the Board of Control 1802-1805 ; Sec- retary for War and Colonies 1805- January, 1806, and from March, 1807, to September, 1809 ; Secretary for the Foreign Department 1812-1822. From February, 1797, until April, 1799, Lord Castlereagh acted as Secretary to the Viceroy, owing to Mr. Pelham's illness. On the death of his father in 1821 Lord Castlereagh succeeded him as the second Marquis of Londonderry.

2 Ballycanew.

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ments, as well as from the proof given by their oath of allegiance, he is convinced they are as anxious to support the constitution, as any other members of the community : should occasion require their aid, he means to call upon them, persuaded of their anxiety to preserve the public welfare.

" April 27th, 1798." *

The above documents go to prove the duplicity of the men who may well be called the master-minds of the rebellion on the side of the insurgents. The majority of the high ecclesiastical authorities of the Roman Catholic faith stood loyally by Government, and entreated the priests to do all in their power to suppress any disloyal tendencies that might manifest themselves in their flocks. Many of the prelates saw that a rebellion would be neither prevention nor cure for the ills of Ireland, and the sufferings of the Church in France augured ill should the friends of the Revolu- tion set foot in the land of St. Patrick. Sermons were preached, pastoral charges delivered, and meetings convened for the purpose of dissuading would-be disturbers of the peace. But it is easier to counsel pacific measures than to bring them about, and no amount of theological theorising can stem the stream of human passion when the political volcano begins to rumble in real earnest. To encourage sedition openly in chapel was practically impossible, and was almost certain to reach official ears at Dublin. Misrepresenta- tion was rife, nevertheless, and on one occasion the

1 Taylor, p. 23.

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Roman Catholic Bishop of Ossory1 was obliged in self-defence to send the MS. copy of a sermon to Sir Charles Asgill 2 and the mayor of the town in which it had been read before they were convinced that it contained no references directly or indirectly against Government. According to the bishop, the fear of assassination prevented many of the priests from denouncing the propaganda of the United Irish- men.3 Dr. Edward Dillon, Roman Catholic Bishop of Kilmacduagh and Kilfenora, issued a stirring address exhorting obedience, and warning the laity of his diocese of the wicked intentions of their potential allies, adding that " the wrath of Heaven could scarcely visit us with a more dreadful scourge." 4 The Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin,5 " in the present awful and alarming period," penned a similar document "to be distinctly read at each Mass " on the fatal Whit-Sunday of '98. The speculations of Tom Paine are anathematized and a sane patriotism invoked in the following terms :

" Let no one deceive you by wretched impracticable speculations on the rights of man and the majesty of the people, on the dignity and independence of the human mind, on the abstract duties of superiors, and

1 John-Lanigan (1758-1828), Irish ecclesiastical historian.

a Sir Charles Asgill (circa 1763-1823). Served in American War and in Flanders ; Staff- Brigadier in Ireland 1797 ; Major- General 1798 ; Commander of Dublin 1800 ; General 1814.

3 Castlereagh Correspondence, Vol. I., pp. 160-162. Dated Ballyragget, loth March, 1798.

4 Ibid., Vol. I., pp. 172-176. Dated Kilcornan, 6th April, 1798.

5 Most Rev. John Thomas Troy, D.D. (1739-1823), consecrated Archbishop of Dublin 1784.

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exaggerated abuses of authority — fatal speculations, disastrous theories ; not more subversive of social order and happiness, than destructive of every principle of the Christian religion. Look at the origin and progress of these detestable doctrines. Their atheistical authors, seeing the intimate connexion between re- ligious and civic principles, beheld with the envious malignity of demons the mutual support they afforded to each other for the spiritual and temporal advantage of man ; and, accordingly, prepared the dreadful career of anarchy, by the propagation (too successful, alas !) of impiety and licentiousness.

" We bitterly lament the fatal consequences of this anti-Christian conspiracy. But surely, my brethren, your known attachment to the principles of religion ought to have preserved you from the destroying influence of such complicated wickedness. Yes, dearest Catholics, it is to the benign principles of the Christian religion that we recal your serious attention at this important crisis. They will shield you from the evils which surround us. Submission to estab- lished authority and obedience to the laws are amongst the duties prescribed by religion ; every violation of these duties is highly criminal. Wherefore, if any amongst you have been unfortunately seduced into a combination against the State, under any pretext whatsoever, you are bound in conscience to instantly withdraw yourselves from it, and by sincere repentance and future loyal conduct atone for your past sinful temerity. Without this sincere sorrow and promise of amendment, you cannot expect absolution in the

THE OLIVE BRANCH IN WEXFORD 63

tribunal of penance, nor mercy from Government. Neither one nor the other is extended to impenitent sinners or offenders, without profanation or injustice.

" Resolve then, we beseech you, to deliver up your arms of every kind, without delay or reluctance, to those appointed to receive them. Unite with all your loyal and peaceable fellow-subjects to put down and crush the wicked spirit of insurrection, so disgraceful to the character of Irishmen.

" It has already produced the most horrid effects. Assassinations, murders, atrocities of every kind, have been committed. Lose not a moment to manifest your detestation of the principles and causes leading to such consequences. The shortest delay in comply- ing with this religious duty will be justly considered as an indication of disloyalty ; you will be considered as enemies to the State, and subjected to a sudden death, under the operation of martial law, already proclaimed. Your property, your very existence, are endangered by a suspicious or equivocal conduct. It must be open, candid, and decided in supporting Religion and the Constitution. . . ." x

In the calmer days of 1799, when declarations in favour of the Union were being made by counties and individuals, Dr. Edward Dillon complained to his confrere of Dublin that he was styled " an Orange Bishop, the tool of Government, well paid for my services, &c." because of the active part the Church was then taking in a purely political movement. " I am actually employed in performing a very painful

1 Castlereagh Correspondence, Vol. I., pp. 209-211.

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duty," he concludes, " visiting the parishes which have contracted the greatest weight of guilt during the late rebellion." 1

We have purposely forestalled events in order to preserve the sequence of the religious aspects of the strife, and we must now retrace our steps a little. After Hoche's failure to land his substantial forces in the winter of 1796, Holland was requisitioned as an ally by the continental representatives of the United Irishmen with some success, but Duncan's victory off Camperdown on the nth October, 1797, promptly put an end to the hopes of the disaffected Irish and of those who sought to revive the moribund sea power of the country which once sent a fleet to the Thames to threaten London. Shortly afterwards the French Directory decided to place an army at Bonaparte's disposal for the invasion of England, the subjugation of which would have snapped the slender ties, now almost strained to breaking point, between Ireland and the Motherland. After weighing the matter thoroughly and visiting the ports most serviceable for the purpose of embarkation, the embryo Emperor came to the conclusion that the time had not arrived for such an experiment. " If instead of the expedition to Egypt," he told Las Cases2 at St. Helena, " I had undertaken that against Ireland, what could England

1 Castlereagh Correspondence, Vol. II., pp. 347-348. Dated Cong, Qth July, 1799. Dr. Dillon was then Roman Catholic Arch- bishop of Tuam.

2 Emmanuel Augustin Dieudonne Marie Joseph, Comte de Las Cases (1766-1842). He accompanied Napoleon to St. Helena, and wrote the celebrated Memorial de Sainte-H6l&ne.

THE OLIVE BRANCH IN WEXFORD 65

have done now ? On such chances do the destinies of empires depend." Napoleon turned his attentions to the dazzling East, saw visions of a vast dominion in Asia whose wealth and power would be summed up in his own person, and was as callous as regards the independence of Ireland as he was of that of Poland in the years which were to come. Lewens and Wolfe Tone interviewed him three times on the subject of the pro- posed attempt on the United Kingdom, but received no satisfaction.

Blissfully unaware that the so-called Army of Eng- land now massing on the coast of France was in- tended for any other place than its high-sounding name implied, the hopes of the Irish recalcitrants ran high. The Great Nation was sending succour at last ; it mattered little whether the troops travelled via London or Belfast so long as they came. The peasantry was being armed gradually, notwithstand- ing the depredations made from time to time by the soldiery under official instructions, bullets were cast in out-of-the-way places, and preparations made for the approaching coup d'etat. The yeomanry was also getting ready for the civil war now thought to be in- evitable in many quarters,1 hence the following com-

1 According to Fortescue (Vol. IV., Part 2, p. 939), the Irish Military Establishment in 1798 was made up of 39,620 regulars, 26,634 militia, and 37,539 yeomanry. Moore's figures, given in his Diary (Vol. I., p. 270), under date 8th December, 1797, repre- sent the troops actually in the island, in fact the Irish Garrison, which was a very different thing, in time of war, from the Irish Establishment. They are as follows : " Regulars and Fencible Cavalry 5,805 ; Infantry 1,803 ; English and Scotch Fencible Infantry 10,993; Militia 21,590; English Artillery (two com- F

66 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

munication from Lord Mount Norris to Lieutenant Smyth :

" March 3d, 1798 Dear Smyth,

" I have written to our brother Officer, Bookey, about getting the Muskets, promised to me by you and him, put into proper order, and conveyed to Wexford, getting a Receipt for them from the Officer commanding there. I also wrote to him that a Lieu- tenant Guard of Thirty must come for them, by way of Escort, and that they should be the picked men of our Troop. Should the Expedition suit your's better than Bookey's Convenience, I would advise you to come up, as it may tend to advance your object, which I have much at Heart. I am, " Dear Smyth,

" Your's faithfully,

" M* NORRIS.

[Address : " Dublin March the Third, 1798. Lieu* Smyth, Camolin Cavalry, Ballyduff, Gorey. — Mount Norris."]

The news of the arrest of Arthur O'Connor1 and two of his comrades at Margate, where they were

panics) 200 ; Irish Artillery, about 1,400; Yeomanry, computed 35,000. Total 76,791, of which it is thought that from 18,000 to 20,000 are cavalry." The Irish Treasury provided pay for the Establishment. Nearly all the regular infantry were abroad.

1 Arthur O'Connor was arrested on the 28th February, 1798, in company with Father James O'Coigly (1762-1798) and an- other individual. On his trial at Maidstone (2ist May) he was acquitted, but rearrested and detained during the rebellion (see ante, p. 2 in.). In her Diary Madame D'Arblay gives us a glimpse of

THE OLIVE BRANCH IN WEXFORD 67

endeavouring to obtain a vessel to take them to France, was an unexpected blow to the rebel cause. This was followed by the still more startling and important announcement of the arrest of the provincial com- mittee of Leinster at the instigation of one of its members, who sold his principles and his friends for gold. Mention is made of the former event in the Mount Norris Correspondence in a letter which also holds out the hope of a probable cessation of hos- tilities between the Republic and Great Britain :

tt T. c " Dublin, March ioth, 1798.

Dear Smyth,

" I thank you much for having obtained, amongst our Friends, the quantity of Musquets neces- sary for compleating the number of Firelocks, to be given to Government for Carbines. The moment the Guns have been put into proper Order, I must request a party may escort them to Wexford, where they are to be lodged with the commanding officer, whose Receipt for same must be taken, and sent to me. As I should be extremely sorry to inconvenience my

the consternation at Court. She notes that the Queen's look " was serious and full of care, and, though perfectly gracious, none of her winning smiles brightened her countenance, and her voice was never cheerful. I have since known that the Irish conspiracy with France was just then discovered, and O'Connor that very morning taken. No wonder she should have felt a shock that pervaded her whole mind and manners ! If we all are struck with horror at such developments of treason, danger, and guilt, what must they prove to the royal family, at whom they are regularly aimed ? How my heart has ached for them in that horrid business ! " (see The Diary and Letters of Madame D'Arblay, Warne, 1892, Vol. III., pp. 166-167).

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brother Troopers in any particular, I will, for the Reasons you assign, postpone troubling a Party of them to come up to Town 'till after the assizes, which are to commence at Wicklow (where the Judges are allowed to stay a week) on the igth. O'Connor's Capture and the Imprisonment of his vile Associates is likely to be productive of much useful Information. Peace is still talked of, and it is probably not far off, as the Directory begin to be jealous of Bonaparte's Power. The Town is very quiet, and the military are numerous and active. The frequent Assassinations we hear of, are melancholy Proofs of the many Mis- creants who bid Defiance to the Laws. " Lbeg you will believe me to be, " My Dear Sir,

" Your's faithfully,

" M* NORRIS.

[Address : " Dublin, March the Tenth, 1798. Lieu* Smyth, Camolin Yeoman Cavalry, Ballyduff, Gorey. — Mount Norris."]

Writing in his diary under date of 26th March, 1798, Wolfe Tone, now Adjutant-General in the Armee d'Angleterre, is constrained to note that the arrest of the committee " is by far the most terrible blow which the cause of liberty in Ireland has yet sustained. I know not whether in the whole party it would be possible to replace the energy, talents, and integrity of which we are deprived by this most unfortunate of events. I have not received such a shock from all

LORD EDWARD FIT/.dKRALI )

THE OLIVE BRANCH IN WEXFORD 69

that has passed since I left Ireland." l Four days later we find Lord Grenville,2 Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, warning Lord Camden of the extreme urgency of legislative interference, " the present moment and circumstances in Ireland being certainly such as to require (if ever) the interposition of Parliament, to check by any constitutional exercise of its authority the progress of a rebellion, which is almost disputing for pre-eminence and superiority of power with the lawful government." 3

Lord Edward FitzGerald succeeded in evading detec- tion for some time, but eventually the authorities got to hear of his whereabouts in Thomas Street, Dublin. A desperate struggle ensued when Majors Sirr and Swan, together with Captain Ryan and eight soldiers, went to arrest the military chief of the United Irishmen on the igth May, and blood was spilt on both sides, Captain Ryan receiving a wound which proved mortal. Lord Edward was conveyed to the Castle and after- wards to Newgate jail, where he died of fever on the 4th June, 1798, the consequence of a wound received in his right arm during the fray.4 In Dublin the effect

1 The Autobiography of Theobald Wolfe Tone, 1763-1798, Vol. II., p. 296.

2 William Wyndham (1759-1834), Baron Grenville 1790 ; Chief Secretary of Ireland 1782-1783 ; Speaker of the English House of Commons 1789 ; Secretary of State for the Home Depart- ment 1789-1790; Foreign Secretary 1791-1801; First Lord of the Treasury 1806-1807.

3 Dated Cleveland Row, 3Oth March, 1798. — Castlereagh Correspondence, Vol. I., p. 163.

* The Rt. Hon. George Wyndham, M.P., late Chief Secretary for Ireland, possesses a diamond pin, a sword-stick, and a seal engraved in Paris, which belonged to Lord Edward FitzGerald, his great-

70 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

was salutary. In several other districts the inhabitants laid down their arms, but the rising had already been fixed to begin on the night of the 23rd May, and desperate men are not easily repressed. Reports were spread far and wide that the French were getting ready, and that the troops would embark about the middle of April.1 Here were incentive and inspiration, the silver lining of the cloud.

By a peculiar coincidence the magistrates of the county met at Wexford but a few hours before the rebel thunderbolt was to fall, and issued their final warning :

" NOTICE. — We, the high sheriff and magistrates of the county of Wexford, assembled at sessions, held at the county courthouse in Wexford, this 23rd day of May, 1798, have received the most clear and un- equivocal evidence, private as well as public, that the system and plans of those deluded persons who style themselves, and are commonly known by the name of, United Irishmen, have been generally adopted by the inhabitants of the several parishes in this county, who have provided themselves with pikes and other arms for the purpose of carrying their plans into execution. And whereas we have received information that the inhabitants of some parts of this county have, within these few days past, returned to their allegiance, surren- dering their arms, and confessing the errors of their past

grandfather. All the family papers dealing with his ancestor, including some notes written by Mr. Wyndham's mother, have been published by his cousin Mr. Gerald Campbell in his admirable Life of Lord Edward FitzGerald.

1 Memoirs of Lord Edward FitzGerald. p. 289.

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misconduct. Now we, the high sheriff and magistrates assembled as aforesaid, do give this public notice that if, within the space of fourteen days from the date hereof, the inhabitants of the other parts of this county do not come in to some of the magistrates of this county and surrender their arms, or other offensive weapons, concealed or otherwise, and give such proof of their return to their allegiance as shall appear suffi- cient, an application will be made to Government to send the army at free quarters into such parishes as shall fail to comply, to enforce due obedience to this notice.

" (Signed) Edward Percival, Sheriff, Courtown ; John Henry Lyster, James Boyd, George Le Hunte, Thomas Handcock, John James, John Pounden, Hawtrey White, James White, Ebenezer Jacob, William Hore, Edward D'Arcy, John Heatly, John Grogan, Archibald Jacob, Edward Turner, Isaac Cor- nock, Cornelius Grogan,1 Francis Turner, William Toole, Richard Newton King, Charles Vero." 2

It was too late for the olive branch ; King Revolt had come into his own.

1 Cornelius Grogan (1738 P-I798). M.P. for Enniscorthy 1783- 1790. Commissary-General to the Wexford rebel forces and for- merly High Sheriff of the county. His wealth was large, being variously estimated at from £6,000 to £8,000 per annum, and was afterwards confiscated. Grogan was over seventy years of age when he was executed at Wexford on the 28th June, 1798. His two brothers commanded yeomanry corps.

* A Popular History of the Insurrection of 1798- By the Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh (Cork : Guy, 1898, Centenary Edition), pp. 87-88.

CHAPTER IV

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT

"There never was in any country so formidable an effort on the part of the people."— CASTLEREAGH.

WITH the operations of rebel and royalist in the counties of Kildare, Meath, and Carlow we have nothing to do ; but the first attempts at warfare on the part of the insurgents were far from encouraging. The pro- posed attack on Dublin Castle and the release of State prisoners in Newgate jail proved little more than an episode ; while the rebels were beaten at several other places, excepting only Prosperous, a little town situated some seventeen miles from the capital. In Wexford the rebellion assumed its most ugly form. It is certain that the unexpected hap- pened in this instance, for a mere handful of the regular army and militia — amounting, perhaps, to six hundred men — were quartered in the county,1 and its defence was practically left to the yeomanry in the early stages of the campaign. The Rev. Patrick F. Kavanagh, in his interesting but partisan book, prints in the Appendix a description of the men of '98 from the pen of " A Correspondent," who writes :

1 Gordon, p. 86.

72

73

" The Wexfordmen who composed this army aver- aged six feet, lathy and bony, rather long oval features, very good-looking generally, brown-haired, felt flower- pot hats, grey frieze swallow-tailed coats, brown mohair vests, double-breasted ; frieze or corduroy knee breeches, blue or green garters, pepper-and-salt stockings, shoes with a buckle on the outside and in front of ankle, brass buttons, that are nearly out of fashion now unless in wild districts. Some of them had trustys, or cotha mores, made of frieze, of a pecu- liar shape, and white ivory buttons. I saw some of those coats ; if they were not very handsome, they were very comfortable. Those poor men carried raw wheat in their pockets as provisions, and it was buried with them in Mountainstown and Raffan, and the following season it grew out of the graves and renewed itself for the second year. I think that this much was never published. It is traditionary, but, I am as sure as I live, 'tis true. . . ." 1

If there was nothing particularly picturesque in the costumes of the insurgents, the military passion for a distinctive uniform asserted itself, and some of them must have looked like Red Indians in all the glamour of war-paint. " Most persons," Hay tells us, " were desirous to wear ornaments of some kind or other, and accordingly decorated themselves in the most fantastical manner with feathers, tippets, handker- chiefs, and all the showy parts of ladies' apparel : green was the most favourite and predominant colour, but on failure of this, decorations of almost any other

1 Kavanagh, pp. 341-342.

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colour were substituted ; and as to their flags or en- signs, they were also generally green or of a greenish hue, but on account of a deficiency in this respect, they displayed banners of all colours except orange, to which the people shewed the most unalterable dis- like, aversion and antipathy : — even blue, black, red and yellow, were remarked among their banners. Many damsels made an offering of their coloured petti- coats for the public service, and to make these gifts the more acceptable, they usually decorated them according to their different fancies, and from the variety thus exhibited, there appeared not two sim- ilar banners in the whole. Several loyal ladies too, both in town and country, displayed their taste in richly and fancifully ornamenting ensigns, to ingratiate themselves with the people ; but many of them, not having time to perfect their chef d'ceuvres before the insurrection was suppressed, have since thought it prudent, I suppose, to destroy these and the like specimens of elegant accomplishment, at which I had opportunities of observing them earnestly employed, during the short-lived period of popular triumph." l At the battle of Arklow " each company had a green flag or colour about two feet square, with a yellow harp in the centre. Some, however, were party-coloured, and equal in size to the King's colours." 2

Kavanagh records a conversation with his grand- father, Mr. John Prendergast, a rebel of '98, who died

i Hay, pp. 132-133- * Musgrave, p. 441.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 75

at Knottown, near Wexford, in 1855. l According to this authority, the majority of the insurgents of Wex- ford were between twenty and thirty years of age, and their height above the average. Abnormal physical proportion is not necessarily an advantage on the field of battle, and a Goliath is more likely to be a billet for a bullet than the less conspicuous David. It is abundantly clear that there was a woeful de- ficiency of ammunition, both of powder and ball, and what muskets the rebels possessed were therefore of little use to them. At close quarters the pike was terrible in execution, but worthless before coming up with the enemy, except for clearing purposes. ' They were from eight to twelve feet long," says Prendergast, " blade and all. Some of them had a hook at the side, which was very useful in cutting the leather bridles of the cavalry. I heard that they afterwards got steel chains instead. From what I saw no cavalry could stand the pike, for when the horse got a prod he reared and the rider was either thrown out of the saddle, or could not use his sword, so that we had him at our mercy." 2

Gordon, also with the authority of an eye-witness, shows that the loyalists were likewise at a disadvan-

1 So recently as January, 1909, the Clerk of the Limerick Board of Guardians was notified of the death of Mrs. Johanna Leonard, aged 118 years. She could recall impressions of the rebellion of '98 and the attempted insurrection of 1820, as well as the risings of 1848 and 1867. In October, 1908, the death was reported of Mrs. Catherine Kierans of Newton Butler, Co. Fermanagh, who had vivid recollections of the incidents following the rebellion of '98.

2 Kavanagh, p. 302.

76 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

tage in some respects, due to that want of foresight apparently inherent in British military matters. " In the formation of the companies or corps of yeomen," he notes, " to appoint the far greater part of them cavalry was an error, as the event clearly proved ; for in the rebellion which ensued, the yeoman infantry, supported by regular troops, fought steadily against the foe ; while the horsemen, from the nature of the country, uneven with hills, and every where inter- sected with ditches, their want of proper subordina- tion and discipline, and the facility of escape, were of little use except for patroles or expresses, though their horses were superior to those of the regular cavalry in the traversing of ditches and fields. If these troops had been habituated to dismount and engage on foot with carbines, their service might have been of considerable effect ; but, as the matter was, they could hardly ever be brought to a charge on the rebels, or to make a retreat with regularity." l .

When asked to give his opinion as to the nature of the force to be sent from England, Lieutenant-General Lake answered that " from the nature of this country, inaccessible to cavalry in many parts, owing to mor- asses, craggy mountains, woods, and narrow passes, (of which the rebels have already discovered sufficient knowledge to avail themselves) it appears to me that, although an increase of cavalry must always be ac- ceptable, it is desirable the reinforcement intended for this country should consist more of infantry than of

1 Gordon, p. 63.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 77

cavalry." l " As to the cavalry," comments Miles Byrne, " in a country like Ireland, so fenced every- where with hedge-rows and ditches, there was nothing to be feared." 2 " No country in the world," he says in another place, " except La Vendee in France, offers the same advantages for making war against cavalry as Ireland, on account of the smallness of the fields, and the very high fences with which they are sur- rounded in every part. How curious it is, we had no instance of those bold fox hunters 3 who composed the yeomen cavalry corps (and whose horses never refused leaping any kind of fence), making a charge through fields to attack even twenty of our pikemen who kept well together ; but a single isolated man was sure to be pursued and cut down by them." 4

As already noted, the commissariat of the insur- gents when they were campaigning was pitiable, and the utter disregard for paper money was such that bank-notes were used as spills for lighting pipes and as waddings for fire-locks.5 When the town of Wex- ford fell into the hands of the rebels some attempt was made to regulate the supply of food, as will be shown in a subsequent chapter ; but in the field business-like methods were apparently impracticable. Cattle were driven into the camps and slaughtered

1 Lieut. -Gen. Lake to Lord Castlereagh, Dublin, ist June, 1798, Castlereagh Correspondence, Vol. I., p. 213.

2 Miles Byrne, Vol. I., p. 138.

3 This has special reference to Hunter Gowan, whom Byrne detested.

4 Miles Byrne, Vol. I., p. 181.

5 Hay, p. 131.

78 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

wholesale, with the result that there was much waste, and the stench arising from decomposing carcases be- came on occasion almost unbearable.

At the outbreak of the rebellion some of the men formed themselves into parish divisions, securing any weapons and horses they could find ; but of definite organisation there was very little. Many peasants wandered about the hills until they allied themselves with the first body of insurgents which happened to be sighted, and after a defeat the gathering together of the scattered units was not always successful, little unattached bands marching from place to place, with no apparent object in view other than giving the loyalists as much trouble and annoyance as possible. Statistics of the number of men engaged in the further- ance of the rebel cause are, of course, approximate only, and malcontents from the counties of Wicklow, Dublin, King's, Queen's, Kildare, Carlow, Kilkenny, and Waterford reinforced those of Wexford on the eve of hostilities. Taylor gives the number of the disaffected under arms as loo^oo.1

On the 26th May fires lighted on the hills of Cor- rigrua and Boulavogue,2 the former by Father John Murphy, flashed the signal for a general rising,3 and the pent-up fury of religious passion burst forth in all its hideous might. Much ink and ingenuity has been used in an endeavour to prove that Father John Murphy did not take the field until he was practically

1 Taylor, p. 171.

2 Also spelt Boolavogue in some works. 8 Maxwell, p. 87.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 79

forced to do so by the ferocious proceedings of some of the yeomanry, but, as we have already noted, so late as the gth April, 1798, he and his parishioners declared their loyalty.1 Harwood asserts that the priest's " Saturday evening's preparations for Whit- suntide mass and sermon were disturbed by the irruption of a troop of Orange yeomanry, who burned forthwith his chapel, his house, and some twenty farm-houses in the place. . . . Father John Murphy rebelled that moment, rose against these yeomen with a strong party of his parishioners, and two officers of the marauders were killed. It was no use preaching ' peace, peace/ after that. The Whitsuntide mass and sermon were left to shift for themselves ; the priest and his flock, and a crowd of other fugitives and ' dis- affected persons ' from the country round, assembled, and encamped for the night on Oulard [Oulart] Hill, about ten miles north of Wexford — and the Wexford Rebellion was begun." 2 If the affidavits of two rebels named Rossiter and Crawley, which Musgrave cites, are to be believed, the priest's house was not set on fire until several hours after the death of Lieutenant Bookey,3 whose residence, called Rockspring, situ- ated some seven miles from Gorey, was burned by the rebels. As will be seen by the Detail Book, the chapel was destroyed on the following day, and after the bodies of Lieutenant Bookey and Private John Donovan had been found.4

1 See ante, p. 57. 2 Harwood, p. 173.

3 Musgrave, Appendix No. XVIII., p. 85. * See post, p. 86.

8o THE WAR IN WEXFORD

Intentional or otherwise, the outbreak speedily assumed a religious complexion. In Wexford, writes Castlereagh on the I2th June, 1798, " it is perfectly a religious phrensy. The priests lead the rebels to battle : on their march, they kneel down and pray, and show the most desperate resolution in their attack. . . . They put such Protestants as are re- ported to be Orangemen to death, saving others upon condition of their embracing the Catholic faith. It is a Jacobinical conspiracy throughout the kingdom, pursuing its object chiefly with Popish instruments ; the heated bigotry of this sect being better suited to the purpose of the republican leaders than the cold, reasoning disaffection of the northern Presbyterians."1 In reviewing the situation a year later, the same states- man remarks that " The religious complexion of the Rebellion in the South gradually separated the Pro- testants from the treason, and precisely in the same degree appeared to embark the Catholics in it." 2

The story from the loyalists' point of view will now be told by the Camolin Yeomanry Detail Book and the Mount Norris Correspondence, supplemented as occasion arises by particulars necessary to a clear understanding of the War in Wexford in 1798. The original spelling and punctuation have been retained in both instances. Entries of mere routine orders and regimental details of no historical importance or in-

1 Lord Castlereagh to Mr. Wickham, Dublin Castle, i2th June, 1798. — Castlereagh Correspondence, Vol. I., p. 219.

z Lord Castlereagh to the Duke of Portland, Dublin Castle, 3rd June, 1799. — Ibid., Vol. II., p. 326.

8i

terest have been deleted ; this accounts for all missing dates.

" CAMOLIN YEOMANRY DETAIL BOOK.

" Though the different Corps of Yeomanry of the County of Wexford were not put on Permanent Duty by any General Officer 'till the latter end of May 1798, yet in defence of their lives and properties, they were obliged to undergo constant and severe duty from the beginning of the month. In the beginning of May an order arrived from the Castle of Dublin, ordering a Subaltern and 20 men of the Camolin Cavalry imme- diately to proceed to Dublin for 60 Carabines, 60 Sabres, and ammunition for the above Corps, and on the 7 May, the detatchment under the command of Lieutenant Smith marched for Dublin. On their arrival back in Camolin, the Arms, &c. were deposited in the Guard-room there, and a party of the Troop obliged to mount Guard on them day and night. To- wards the latter end of May the Camolin Cavalry were ordered by the Magistrates to do Duty in the neigh- bourhoods of Ballycanew1 and Camolin, and detatch- ments from it were obliged almost every day to escort United Men to either Wexford or Enniscorthy, to have them put on board a Prison Ship, then moored in the Harbour of Waterford near Duncannon Fort.2 Yeo-

1 Also spelt Ballycannoe, Ballycanoe, Ballycanew, and Bally- cannoo.

2 Wexford was proclaimed to be in a state of rebellion by the magistrates of the northern baronies who met at Gorey on the 2$th April, and orders were issued for all arms to be delivered up. Some of the peasantry took this opportunity to withdraw from an ap- parently untenable position, but as the number of weapons sur-

G

82 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

man Cavalry ordered by the Magistrates to Parole the Country by Night.

" May 25. — Camolin Cavalry ordered by the Magis- trates to assist them in receiving Pikes from the United Men, who came in numbers to Camolin for that pur- pose. Lieut. Smith and 20 Men ordered to Killena to burn the dwelling house of John Lawless, a retailer of Pikes — dined at free quarters at the house of Daniel Dempsey, who informed the Party that he supposed his sons had fled the Country, as he had not seen them for some days before. Lieut. Bookey and another party of the troop pulled down a Smith's forge in Camolin, where Pikes had been made. All parties repaired to Camolin in the evening, where they mounted Guard.

" May 26. — United Men coming in with their con- cealed Arms, and taking the Oath of Allegiance ad- ministered to them by the siting Magestrates, Sir Frederick Flood, and Henry Brownrigg Esq. An officer and 20 men ordered to burn the house of Miles Leary near Killena — did not burn it, as he promised to deliver up all the Arms in his possession early the

rendered was not commensurate with the population believed to possess them, a more stringent order was given on the 23rd May to the effect that companies of soldiers would be marched to dis- tricts not complying within fourteen days, and take up free quar- ters. The horrors of martial law in 1798 may not have surpassed those of the Inquisition, but the accounts of Hay, Byrne, and Gordon contain the most gruesome pen-pictures of legalised savagery. The " pitched cap," the cat-o'-nine-tails, the hangman's rope, and the flaming torch were used with sickening effect. Many rebels were arrested and transported. It is to be feared that this method of teaching the people a salutary lesson only made them more determined to cast off the yoke which galled them.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 83

next morning — dined at free quarters at the house of Bryan Lacy's Killena-mill, where the detatchment [was joined] by a Corporal and four men, who had been sent towards Courtown to bring in the body of Catharine Murphy, charged with having administered the United Oath to several Men. On the party's march to Camolin, they were met by a messenger from Lieut. Bookey, mentioning that the long ex- pected Rebellion had broke out in several parts of the country, and that an entire family of Protestants had been murdered by the Insurgents near Scara- walsh. Party hastened to Camolin (leaving the Prisoner in charge with some Loyalists who lodge her safe in Camolin), where they receive an order from Isaac Cornock, Esq., a Magistrate, to repair to Ferns, and there join an Officers' guard of the North Cork Regiment of Militia. On arrival in Ferns, Lieut. Smith and a party x was ordered towards Scarawalsh, where the Murders were committed, to see if this information was true, and Lieut. Bookey with another Party 2 rode towards the Harrow, where he met a large party of the Insurgents armed with Pikes and some Arms. The Lieut, rode before the Party, and ordered the Rebels to surrender, and deliver up their Arms, on which they discharged a volley at the Party, accom- panied with a shower of stones, some of which brought Lieut. Bookey from his horse, as also John Donovan, a private in the Corps. The party after firing a few

1 Consisting of eighteen or twenty yeomanry cavalry (see Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 355).

2 Taylor (p. 26) gives the number as seventeen or eighteen.

84 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

shots, finding themselves overpowered by the Rebels, retreated to Ferns, where they remained 'till day break, melancholy spectators of the devastation com- mitted by the Rebels. The information of the Murders at Scarawalsh found to be true."

The way in which Father John entrapped Thomas Bookey, first lieutenant of the Camolin cavalry, shows that he had a very good idea of the elements of strategy. A few men were detached from the little band and left to blockade the road with two cars as soon as the last yeoman had passed, thus cutting off all hopes of re- treat. Some distance further a rough barricade was made which effectually stopped the unsuspecting horsemen, who were piked before they could defend themselves. After this sanguinary fray, Camolin Park was looted to good effect, for the Earl of Mount Norris was the custodian of the pikes which had been pre- viously surrendered, and a number of carbines ready for distribution amongst his own corps were also stacked. These weapons were of the greatest value to the insurgents, who looked upon them as a God- send. Pat Murray, of Crane, secured the colours of a Volunteer corps of 1782 which were in the Earl's possession, and marched off with them in triumph. The banner was subsequently used by the Monaseed corps of rebels. The men next surrounded the fallen lieutenant's house of Rockspring, which was bril- liantly defended by two servants. As a last resource the rebels set fire to the building, but the inmates managed to effect their escape. Byrne makes no

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 85

mention of this in his Memoirs, although he makes much of the raid on Camolin Park.1 " From this commencement of hostility," writes Gordon, " the commotion spread rapidly on all sides ; and the col- lection of rebel parties was greatly promoted by the reports disseminated of numbers of people shot in the roads, at work in the fields, and even in their houses, unarmed and unoffending, by straggling parties of yeomen. Influenced by these reports, which were not without some foundation, great numbers took refuge with their friends in arms. . . ." 2 One of the rebels, disguised as a groom, and carrying letters fictitiously addressed to Lord Mount Norris, took the news to Castlebridge, and from thence it soon spread, to the great advantage of the Irish cause.3

" May 27. — This morning at the dawn, the Country presented a frightful appearance — houses in flames on every side, and loyal families flying into Ferns for protection. Camolin Cavalry march from Ferns to- wards the Harrow, where they found the bodies of Lieut. Bookey and John Donovan mangled in a bar- barous manner by Rebel Pikes — joined by the Ennis- corthy 4 and Healthfield Yeoman Cavalry,5 they took a circuit thro' the country, killed a great number of

1 See Vol. I., p. 34.

2 Gordon, p. 89.

3 Kavanagh, p. 101.

4 Under Captain Richards.

6 Under Captain John Grogan. Taylor also mentions a third corps, the Scarawalsh infantry, commanded by Captain Cornock (Taylor, p. 30).

86 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

the Insurgents,1 who seemed as if collecting in a body, and burnt upwards of 170 houses belonging to Rebels whose inhabitants had fled, and also the Popish Chapel of Boulavogue, whose Priest, John Murphy, head[ed] the Rebels the night before at the Harrow. At 3 o'clock the Camolin Cavalry arrived at Camolin, where they found the Carabines and Sabres had been incautiously distributed to improper Persons. The troop finding Camolin not tenable,2 marched for Gorey, followed by all its loyal inhabitants. This evening a reinforcement from Arklow arrived in Gorey, consist- ing of one Troop of Yeoman Cavalry and 30 Antrim Militia, under the command of Lieut. Elliott 3 of the Antrim [Militia]. News arrived that a large detatch- ment of the North Cork Militia marched out of Wex- ford to Oulart, met the Insurgents in force on a hill near Oulart,4 an action commenced, in which [the]

1 Musgrave says about 150. The rebels mentioned were evi- dently those who had gathered on Killthomas Hill, about nine miles to the west of Gorey, led by Father Michael Murphy. Ka- vanagh (p. 104) asserts that about 300 of them were killed, but this seems to be an exaggeration.

2 Guided by Father Francis Kavanagh, the Roman Catholic inhabitants of Camolin, who had managed to conceal a large num- ber of weapons, although they had surrendered several hundred pikes before the actual breaking out of the rebellion, proceeded on the 27th May to show their sympathy with the general movement of their fellow compatriots by sacking the town. Captain White of the Ballakeen cavalry had assembled his corps at Gorey the previous day, which, in addition to his own men, was defended by a body of yeoman cavalry, infantry, and supplementary men embodied by the Earl of Courtown at his own expense in October, 1796 (see Gordon, p. 104, and Musgrave, pp. 335-6).

3 Usually spelt Elliot.

* About eight miles to the north of Wexford a.nd ten to the south of Gorey.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 87

military was almost entirely cut off. The Military stood to their Arms all night.

" May 28. — Early this morning information was re- ceived by some fugitive Loyalists that the Insurgents had totally defeated the detatchment of North Cork Militia at Oulart, and possessed themselves of all their arms and ammunition — that they had murdered the Rev. Robert Burrowes, his Son, and Edward D'Arcy, Esq., and burned their houses, and that they had marched in full strength to attack Wexford. A meet- ing of the different Officers took place, when it was resolved to abandon the town, and fall back to Arklow, previous to which some Prisoners who were in the Guard-room, were taken out and shot. Between Cool- greny and Arklow a small force from the latter place was met coming to the relief of Gorey, however, they did not think it prudent to advance on to Gorey, but the whole proceeded to Arklow. All the fugitive Loyalists who had arms were obliged, on entering Arklow, to surrender them at the Barrack gate by order of the Commanding Officer.1 Camolin Cavalry ordered to proceed to the house of Thomas Murray near Arklow, to remain there 'till morning at free quarters, and to keep up a guard and patrole — to march to Arklow early the next morning."

The murder of Dr. Burrowes, the rector of Kilmuck- ridge, and the Loyalist defeat at Oulart, warrant more detailed notice. If no further proof were forth- coming of the religious nature of the war in Wexford,

1 Captain Rowan.

88 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

this fact alone would warrant one to assume that such was the case. It seems also to have been a more or less personal matter, for Kilmuckridge is close to the scene of Father John's ministerial labours, although it is doubtful whether the Protestant ever poached on the Catholic preserves. Froude certainly describes the rector as " a harmless gentleman." 1

On being informed that his death had been planned, Dr. Burrowes promptly gathered together his family and as many parishioners as his house at Kyle would hold, and after having barricaded it, the little band prepared to sell their lives as dearly as possible. The mob came early on the morning of Sunday, the 27th May, and finding that the rector and his colleagues offered a stubborn resistance, the insurgents set fire to the place. On the priest promising that all they required was surrender, and that no one would be harmed, the defenders left the house and Dr. Burrowes and seven others were butchered,2 the rector's son receiving a severe wound from which he ultimately died.3

By no means satisfied by this accomplishment, Father John and his horde proceeded to Ferns, the seat of Dr. Cleaver,4 the Protestant bishop. The inhabitants of the town had fled to Enniscorthy, escorted by militia and yeomanry under Captain Cornock. Finding that the various members of the

1 Vol. III., p. 435.

2 Taylor (p. 29) says that five only were murdered.

3 Musgrave, pp. 330-32.

4 Euseby Cleaver (1746-1819), Bishop of Cork and of Ferns 1789 ; Archbishop of Dublin 1809.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 89

episcopal family had also effected their escape the mob, after having thoroughly regaled themselves at the prelate's expense, entered the library and tore the contents to shreds, preserving the vellum bindings for the utilitarian purposes of saddlery. They then set fire to the palace, which speedily became a mound of smoking ruins. Still not satisfied, many of the smaller houses were ransacked or destroyed.

These preliminary successes, if they may be so termed, encouraged Father Michael Murphy, curate of the adjoining hamlet of Ballycanew, to join forces with his namesake, and as events proved, the alliance was particularly propitious. These brethren of the Church militant speedily showed that whatever triumphs they may have had in spiritual warfare were as nothing compared to their achievements against the Protestant hosts of Satan in combat with flesh and blood. Oulart now being the next stage of their journey to Enniscorthy and the Mecca of Wexford, the four or five thousand insurgents made their way there, and divided into two bands, one of them taking up a favourable position on Oulart Hill, and the other on Killthomas Hill. On the 27th May the latter camp was attacked by the Carnew garrison of between 200 and 300 men, who successfully wreaked their vengeance for the death of Lieutenant Bookey, but on the same day the insurgents at Oulart scored a decided victory, although the number of loyalists engaged was numeri- cally weak. Colonel Foote had marched from Wexford with no men of the North Cork Militia under his command, and coming up with Colonel Le Hunte and a

go THE WAR IN WEXFORD

troop of the Shilmalier yeomanry cavalry, determined to attack. Advantage was with the militia at the onset, and the rebels, of whom there were several thousands, beat a hasty retreat. As the soldiers were nearing the summit of the hill, Father John saw his opportunity. He harangued his flock to good purpose, and such a bold stand was made that but five of the North Corks escaped with their lives, including the lieutenant- colonel and a sergeant. The Shilmalier cavalry effected their retreat to Wexford, shooting at all and sundry as they went.

Foote's account of the affair clearly shows that had there been a little less zeal and more caution, the honours of the day would have remained with the loyalists. In a letter to a friend the Lieutenant- Colonel details what our twentieth century newspapers would doubtless call a " regrettable incident " : 1

" I marched to a hill called Oulart, where between four and five thousand rebels were posted. From their great superiority of numbers, it was not my intention to have attacked them, unless some un- foreseen favourable circumstances would warrant that measure ; however, my officers were of a contrary opinion. I met here part of a yeoman cavalry corps, about sixteen ; the remainder, with their serjeant, having that morning joined the rebels. I halted with this corps, while I sent a note by their trumpeter to Wexford, with orders for two officers and forty men to march thence to us to support our detachment ; apprehending that the rebels, from their numbers,

1 Musgrave, pp. 341-342.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 91

might intercept our retreat. Afterwards, when I joined the party, I found that they were moved for- ward by the officer next in command j1 and the soldiers cried out, that they would beat the rebels out of the field. By this movement we were im- mediately engaged with the rebels, who fired from behind the hedges, without showing any regular front. We beat their advanced party from one hedge to another, which they had successively occupied, and fired from on us, killing great numbers of them, till they retreated in much disorder to the main body, which consisted mostly of pikemen. I considered this a favourable opportunity of forming the detachment, for the purpose of retreating, or of receiving the enemy in a good position ; and I used every exertion to effect it ; but unfortunately the too great ardour of the men and officers could not be restrained. They rushed forward, were surrounded, and overpowered by num- bers. They displayed great valour and intrepidity, and killed a great number of the rebels.2 Of this detachment, none have as yet returned to Wexford, but myself, a serjeant, and three privates. I received a wound from a pike in my breast, a slight one in my arm, and several bruises and contusions."

1 Major Lombard.

2 Hay, the Romanist historian, gives the number of rebels killed as five, and two wounded (p. 84). Musgrave says there were seven killed (p. 342 n.). Gordon states that when the military charged only three insurgents were killed and six wounded (p. 92), which agrees with Miles Byrne (Vol. I., p. 37). Musgrave makes a curious error by referring to " Whitsunday, the day after this defeat " (p. 342).

92 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

Gordon1 asserts that Father John had received intelligence of the near approach of Captain Hawtrey White with a band of cavalry from Gorey, hence the priest's appeal for a last desperate resistance. That officer had certainly set out in the hope of meeting the rebels, but he was totally unaware of Foote's movements, and when he had ascertained that the contesting force was very considerable the dis- parity in numbers caused him to order a retreat to Gorey, his own scanty resources being some eighty men.

After spending the night on Carrigrew Hill, an advance was made by Father John's army to Camolin, which, it will be remembered, had been abandoned the day before by the King's forces, and to Ferns, which was also desolate. After resting for a short time on the hill of Balliorrell, where they were joined by Father Michael Murphy and the remnants of his band, they proceeded to Enniscorthy, a town of 4000 inhabitants and doing a considerable amount of business.

Gordon, who was an eye-witness, gives a graphic account of the evacuation of Gorey on the 28th May : " As the order to retreat was very sudden," he writes, " on account of the imagined rapid approach of a resistless and ferocious enemy, a melancholy scene of trepidation, confusion, and fright was the conse- quence ; the affrighted crowd of people running in all directions for their horses, harnessing their cars and placing their families on them with precipitation,

1 pp- 91-2.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 93

and escaping speedily as possible from the town. The road was soon filled to a great extent with a train of cars loaded with women and children, accompanied by a multitude on foot, many of whom were women with infants on their backs. The weather being hot and dry, the cloud of dust raised by the fugitive multitude, of whom I with my family was a part, rendered respiration difficult. The reception which we found at Arklow was not well suited to our calami- tous condition. Almost fainting with hunger, thirst, fatigue, and want of sleep, we were denied admittance into the town, by orders of the commanding officer of the garrison, Captain Rowan of the Antrim regiment ; and great part of the poorer fugitives retiring, took refuge that day and night under the neighbouring hedges ; but the better sort, after a little delay, were admitted, on condition of quitting the town in half an hour. The loyalists, on permission to enter Arklow, were obliged to deliver their arms at the gate of the barrack to the guard, who promised to restore them ; but, instead of this, they were afterwards formed into a pile in the yard of the barrack and burned. A man named Taylor, clerk of Camolin church, who made some scruple to surrender his arms, was shot by the guard. After our admission our situation was not so comfortable as we might have expected, for no re- freshment could be procured by money for men or horses, and the hearts of the inhabitants in general seemed quite hardened against us. But, for my own part, I found very humane treatment."1

1 Gordon, pp. 105-106.

94 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

" May 29. — Troop returned to Arklow early this morning, when they received orders to be in readiness to be inspected by Major Hardy, Commander of the County of Wicklow. At one Major Hardy arrived, inspected all the Yeomanry from Gorey, and informed them, as they had quit their districts, they were now to be considered as Soldiers, and to act as such. Yeomanry ordered on Permanent Duty. Received some ammunition, and the Yeomanry from Gorey to- gether with 30 Antrim and 30 North Cork, ordered back to Gorey, to be under the Command of Lieut. Elliott. At 5 o'clock the Army marched, and arrived in Gorey about 10, which they found in the same state as they left it.1

" May 30. — Information was this morning received, that the Insurgents, in number upwards of 10,000, had attacked the town of Enniscorthy, and after a conflict of three hours, the King's forces were obliged to evacuate the town and fly to Wexford. This action took place on the 28 May Instant. In consequence of which Reconnoitreing parties were sent out, with orders to act with caution. Camolin Cavalry marched to Camolin Park,2 and there heard that a large body of the Insurgents had been there that morn- ing, and that they had plundered the house of various articles of value — among whom (sic) was Father John Redmond. Brought the Standard

1 Lecky, (Vol. IV., p. 374) says that the militia and yeomanry did not return to Gorey until the 3ist, which, according to the above, is incorrect.

2 The seat of the Earl of Mount Norris.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 95

presented by Lady Mount-Norris to the Camolin Cavalry away."1

As the " King's forces " at Enniscorthy numbered some 300 yeomanry and militia only, it is not astonish- ing that they were ultimately forced to surrender, although they made a most determined stand and behaved with great gallantry. The Duffry gate, ably defended by the yeoman infantry, was first attacked, and the rebels beaten back again and again before the defenders were obliged to withdraw into the town, which had been set on fire by those of the enemy who had entered at less well-protected spots. For a time the fate of Enniscorthy trembled in the balance, and the rebels were obliged to evacuate it. This apparent advantage proved of little worth to the loyalists, who had paid for their success so dearly that they were forced to make a hurried exit and push with all speed towards Wexford. There being no opposition, the insurgents entered the town, taking good care to form a camp on Vinegar Hill, a point of considerable strategic value, which henceforth became a per- manent centre until the 20th June, when it was broken up. " The town," says Musgrave, " the morning after the rebels got possession of it, presented a dreadful scene of carnage and conflagration ; many bodies were lying dead in the streets, and others groaning in the agonies of death ; some parts of the place were entirely consumed, and in others the flames

1 Musgrave states that a numerous body of rebels attacked Gorey on the soth, but were repulsed (p. 344).

96 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

continued to rage with inextinguishable fury ; no less than 478 dwelling houses and cabins were burned in the town and its suburbs [Templeshannon and Drumgoold], besides a great number of stores, malt- houses, and out-offices."1 The writer of the Detail Book seems to have exaggerated the number of insurgents, which Lecky puts at 6,000 or 7,000 men.2 Authorities also differ as to the losses incurred on both sides, but the same historian roughly estimates them at " three officers and rather more than eighty soldiers," and from " one hundred to five hundred " insurgents.3 Father John Murphy, bent on making his triumphal entry into Wexford with the least possible delay, did not wait to indulge in the orgies which were now to form so conspicuous a part of the daily round at Vinegar Hill. Leaving 10,000 men there, and taking 16,000 rebels with him,4 he marched on the 2gth to the Three Rocks, at the foot of Mt. Forth, and about three miles from his destination. Before starting he

1 Musgrave, p. 357.

2 Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 359.

3 Ibid., p. 360. Byrne says that when Father John crossed the Slaney he was " joined by crowds," including Ned Fennell, John Doyle of Ballyellis, Nick Murphy of Monaseed, Michael Redmond and Murt Murnagh, from Little Limerick, and Thomas Synnott, of Kilbride, all of whom were valuable adjuncts to the cause. He states that the casualties were nearly equal on both sides, and that at the Duffry gate more than 100 of the King's troops were killed, with several officers (see Miles Byrne, Vol. I., pp. 38 and 46).

4 "The insurgents were increasing with marvellous rapidity, and their numbers soon amounted to tens of thousands." " The number of armed men who could be counted upon was practically unlimited " (see Froude, Vol. III., pp. 444 and 454).

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 97

received Edward Fitzgerald, of Newpark,1 and John Colclough, of Bally teigue,2 both of whom had been released from Wexford jail by Captain Boyd of the Wexford Cavalry on the understanding that they should use their persuasive powers with the insurgents and endeavour to get them to disband without further bloodshed. As the officer had no power to do so, he could not promise any terms ensuring their acquittal from the consequences of rebellion, and Father John, proud of his success as a chieftain and flushed with victory, not unnaturally rejected the overtures. Fitz- gerald, who was styled " Lord " by the rebels, joined the republican army, but Colclough was faithful to the promise they had both made, and returned. Father John's next feat of arms made him still more optimistic. It took place on the 3Oth May at the Three Rocks. He surprised and cut to pieces two companies of the Meath regiment, sent by Major- General Fawcett 3 as an advance guard from Dun- cannon Fort for the relief of Wexford, and drove off the contingent under Colonel Maxwell, which had marched from that town to effect a junction with the

1 After leaving Trinity College, Dublin, Fitzgerald had been called to the Irish Bar. He was a man of considerable property, and inherited the estate of Newpark, Co. Wexford, from his father. He surrendered on the i2th July, 1798, and was obliged to leave Ireland. Fitzgerald died at Hamburg in 1807.

2 John Henry Colclough, a Catholic who joined the rebels. When the insurgents fled from Wexford on the 2ist June, he and B. B. Harvey escaped to the Saltee Islands, where they were dis- covered on the 24th inst. Colclough was executed on the 28th June, 1798.

3 Sir William Fawcett (1728-1804). His name is frequently given as Faucitt or Faucett.

H

98 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

former. On the following day Father John entered the gates of the terror-stricken town,1 for Maxwell, having found it untenable, had fallen back on Dun- cannon Fort. During the tramp of twenty-three miles some of the troops deserted to the enemy, while others got beyond control and wreaked their vengeance on innocent peasantry.2

A letter written at this time to Mr. Addington 3 by Dr. Butson, Dean of Waterford, who had enlisted and accoutred a corps of mechanics, " chiefly Metho- dists," to help in the defence of the port, amplifies these particulars : 4

" Waterford, May 3ist.

" Nothing can exceed the melancholy aspect of this place. The insurgents in our neighbouring county of Wexford are so numerous as to have taken possession of and destroyed the town of Enniscorthy — not a house remaining ; men, women, and children murdered and burnt, particularly the clergy. A gentleman has informed me that he saw the bodies of Mr. Hayden, a clergyman past eighty years of age, and of Mr. Nun,

1 It is curious that such conscientious historians as Lecky and Froude should disagree as to the actual date on which the rebels entered Wexford. The former gives the 3Oth May (Vol. IV., p. 366), which agrees with Byrne (Vol. I., p. 59), while the latter says the 3ist (Vol. III., p. 452).

2 Gordon, p. 102.

3 Henry Addington (1757-1844), Speaker of the House of Commons 1789 ; Prime Minister 1801-1803 ; President of the Council 1805 ; created Viscount Sidmouth 1805 ; Secretary of State for the Home Department 1812.

4 The Life and Correspondence of the Right Honble Henry Adding- ton, first Viscount Sidmouth. By the Honble George Pellew, D.D., Dean of Norwich (Murray : 1847). Vol. I., pp. 207-208.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 99

a very respectable rector, lying unburied in the street, the day after their entrance, with 400 more dead bodies. Some detachments sent from hence have been defeated : from one under the command of General Faucett,1 they took two fieldpieces. The rebels amount to 15 or 16,000 ; march in a disciplined manner, have a squadron of cavalry, and fire their cannon with precision. These circumstances I give on the authority of officers who have been beaten back. Every tide brings us in boats full of wounded and fugitives. Yesterday the rebels were in possession of Wexford ; thus a port is open to the French, but it is a very bad harbour. At New Ross, ten miles from hence, about 1000 troops and some artillery are got together : the insurgents are around Wexford, about twenty-eight miles from thence. As yet, from the spirit of the principal inhabitants and clergy uniting to guard it, this city has not risen."

Father John Murphy may be well styled the master- mind of the rebellion in the south of Ireland. It is evident that he was what is comprehensively called " a born leader of men," and he possessed an intuitive knowledge of guerilla warfare not usually associated with those who are supposed to be adepts in the art of peace. In his choice of lieutenants Father John was scarcely less fortunate. He gave the command of the rebel band which he now proposed to leave in Wexford to Captain Matthew Keugh, an ex-officer of the British army. Thus, by a strange turn of Fortune's wheel, a Protestant soldier who had fought

1 Fawcett.

ioo THE WAR IN WEXFORD

against the American colonists in the War of Inde- pendence became the commander of men whose aspirations were by no means dissimilar.1 A committee of seven, with Bagenal Harvey 2 as president, was appointed, Keugh being governor. A sub-committee was responsible for the affairs of the town. As for Father John, he was no more disposed to rest on his laurels at Wexford than he had been at Enniscorthy. A much-needed supply of ammunition and arms having been secured from vessels at anchor in the harbour, his followers were in high spirits. The Re- publican air-castle seemed to have assumed a tangible form. With crucifix upraised the militant defender of the Faith left the scene of his latest triumph on the 3ist May, sighing for other towns to conquer and larger game to run to earth in county Wicklow, which happy hunting-ground he hoped to reach by way of Arklow.

" May 31. — Camolin Cavalry, with 20 North Cork Militia, and 10 Gorey Infantry, under the command of Lieut. Swaine ordered to reconnoitre towards Cor-

1 Matthew Keugh (Miles Byrne spells it Keogh) was formerly Captain-Lieutenant of the 65th Regiment. " He was about five feet nine inches high," Musgrave tells us (p. 444), " and rather robust. His countenance was comely, his features were large, and indicative of an active, intelligent mind. Joined to a very happy and persuasive manner of expressing himself, he had an engaging address, and great affability of manner."

2 Beauchamp Bagenal Harvey (1762-1798), of Bargay Castle, was a Protestant, and, like Fitzgerald, a man of means. Educated at Trinity College, Dublin, he was called to the Irish Bar. According to Musgrave (p. 388), " His figure was small, and his countenance, though ugly and rather mean, was expressive. He was universally allowed to be a man of humanity, and of the strictest honour and integrity." Harvey was executed on the 27th June, 1798.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 101

rigrua Hill — Lieut. Elliott with a party of Gorey and Ballaghkeene Cavalry, 20 Antrim Militia, and 10 Gorey Infantry, march towards Camolin. On the approach of the former party to Corrigrua, the Rebels posted there appeared in force, and placing their hats on their pikes, gave several dreadful yells. Express sent to- wards Camolin to inform Lieut. Elliott. Party advance to the Crosses of Ballymore, and thence to the summit of the Hill, where no Rebel was to be seen, they having fled in all directions. Cavalry pursue, and kill a great number of them. Return to Gorey 1 thro' Ballycanew, the latter place seemed deserted by all parties. Cavalry patrole to commence at 9 o'clock, and continue 'till five — Loyalists to take part of the town duty."

There were now two permanent camps, namely, on Vinegar Hill and at the Three Rocks, and two bands of rebels having special objects in view, in addition to Father John's forces. The successes of the in- surgents had gathered many to their standards. Each loyalist defeat also added to the material strength of the malcontents, and enabled them to secure rations, ammunition, weapons, and sometimes one or two pieces of artillery. Independent corps came into being, and some of the larger corps divided. It is not always easy, therefore, to trace their individual efforts, especially as contemporary accounts frequently dis- agree. There was much coming and going, small bands

1 According to Hay (p. 137), some of the yeomen pillaged the surrounding country to no inconsiderable extent, " brought away as much as they could carry, driving off numbers of cattle, some belonging to Lord Mount Norris. ..."

102 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

joining larger ones, only to become scattered units when defeat precluded concentration. On the 3ist May, the commanders held a council of war at the Three Rocks, when it was decided that three main bodies should be constituted. The two Murphys, with head-quarters on Ballymenane Hill, and Anthony Perry, moving from Corrigrua Hill, were to secure Gorey and force their way into Wicklow, where they expected large reinforcements. A second division under Bagenal Harvey, until recently a fellow-prisoner of John Colclough in Wexford jail, with Father Philip Roche 1 as second in command, was ordered to take New Ross, and raise the counties of Kilkenny and Waterford. Their chief station was on Carrickbyrne Hill. Father Kearns,2 with Captains Doyle and Red- mond, were to start from Enniscorthy, secure Newtown- barry, march through Carlow and Kildare, and, if possible, enter Dublin. His force amounted to about 2,500 men.3 Miles Byrne entertained a very good opinion of Kearns, of whom he says : " Had he been bred to the military profession in a country like France, where courage and merit were sure of being recom- pensed, he would have been a Kleber, and soon have been raised to the front rank in any army he made part of." 4

1 Father Philip Roche had been curate to the Rev. John Synnott, of Gorey, but was removed on account of his intemperate habits. He afterwards became curate to the Rev. Thomas Doyle, Bantry. Gordon (p. 140) draws attention to his humanity and courage.

2 Father Kearns was in Paris during the Reign of Terror ; executed at Edenderry on the i2th July, 1798.

3 Miles Byrne, Vol. I., p. 63. * Ibid., p. 64.

THE HARVEST OF REVOLT 103

Although there was much discussion, not unmixed with criticism, amongst the more important men of the rebel army as to the wisdom of the different schemes of campaign, all were enthusiastic in the cause, and enthusiasm behind a weapon, be it carbine or pike, doubles its effectiveness. With light hearts they set out for their various bases on the last day of May. The Croppy War in Wexford had taken on a very serious aspect indeed.

The military situation is summed up in the following communication from Lord Castlereagh to Mr. Wick- ham,1 dated 3ist May, 1798 :

" The rebels still continue in force in the Counties of Wicklow, Wexford, Kildare, Carlow, Meath, and King's County; it is difficult to bring them to any decisive action. They commit horrid cruelties, and disperse as soon as the troops appear. Should the insurrection confine itself within the present limits, a short time will dispose of it. There are some un- pleasant appearances in certain parts of the North, but as yet all is in fact quiet in Ulster, Munster, and Connaught. . . . The spirit of the country rises with its difficulties. Should the rebellion prove only partial, aided by the reinforcements expected from England, I look with confidence to the issue, which, if fortunate, cannot fail to place this kingdom, and of course the empire, in a state of security much beyond that in which it has stood for years past." 2

1 William Wickham (1761-1840), Under-Secretary in the Home Department 1798-1800; Chief Secretary in Ireland 1802-1804; Member of the Treasury Board 1806-1807.

2 Castlereagh Correspondence, Vol. I., p. 212.

CHAPTER V

FROM THE CAPTURE OF GOREY TO THE BATTLE OF ROSS

"All religions that I fell in with in Ireland seemed to me too irreligious : really, in sad truth, doing mischief to the people instead of good." — CARLYLE.

"W" UNE i. — The Patrole of last night gave infor-

• mation that they saw a large fire on Corrigrua

Hill, and heard great shouting about the dawn

*^ of the day. Ordered that Lieut. Smith, and 20 men of the Camolin Cavalry do proceed on a recon- notreing party towards Corrigrua Hill and return to Gorey by Ballycanew. On the party coming in sight of Corrigrua, the Rebels kindled a large fire, for the purpose of (as we supposed) calling their Pickets in, as men were seen running and galloping to the Hill from all directions. Patrole took another route from that they intended, and coming to the Crosses of Ballymore, saw the Hill thickly planted with Rebels, and another party after setting fire to Mount-Howard house, and Cabbins occupied by Protestants. Between this and Ballycanew, a large party was observed burning all the Protestant houses in Tommagaddy, but on their seeing the cavalry the[y] hastened to Ballycanew to cut of [f] their retreat to Gorey, whilst the entire body from

104

THE CAPTURE OF GOREY 105

the Hill came pouring down in the same direction. At Ballycanew the Patrole was attacked by the town guard of Rebels, but were defeated without any loss on their side — Patrole had one Man and his horse slightly wounded. Patrole arrived in Gorey and reported. A meeting of the Officers held, when it was determined to march out — meet the Rebels, and not give them time to make a formal attack. Trumpets sounded and Drums beat, and in about 10 minutes a party consisting of 20 Antrim, 20 North Cork, 20 Gorey Infantry, 46 Gorey Cavalry [Lieut. Woodroofe], 36 Ballaghkeen x Cavalry [Captain White], and 46 Camolin Cavalry [Lieut. Smith], all under the direction of Lieut. Elliott, marched out to attack them. From the Hill of Ballymenane, midway between Ballycanew and Gorey, the Rebel force was observed — they had formed a Camp and were refreshing themselves after their march — advancing down the hill towards Essex Bridge, they met the Rebels driving a vast number of Horses and other Cattle before them, whilst the ditches inside the road were lined with their Gunsmen. The action now commenced, and for an hour was maintained with great spirit, but at length the Rebels gave way and fled in all directions. The Cavalry then pursued them over a large scope of the country, and killed a great number of them.2 Infantry entered Ballycanew, and there set fire to several houses, among which was that belonging to James Kenny, a Man who was strongly suspected

1 Sometimes written Ballakeen by contemporary historians.

2 Lecky states that " the victorious army abstained from pursuit" (Vol. IV., p. 384). Taylor asserts that about 150 rebels were killed (p. 48).

io6 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

of having a great hand in the Conspiracy — He was taken by some of the Suplimentary Yeoman and Shot. Rescued two of Gorey Cavalry, and some Loyalists who had been prisoners with the Rebels — reported, that their numbers were upwards of 1000, that they were headed by Priest Murphy of Ballycanew, who, tho' they had more Officers of high rank, he had the chief command — that they were to have encamped on Ballymenane Hill that night, and being joined by a large force from Corrigrua, under the command of Anthony Perry,1 were to have attacked Gorey early on the following morning. Lieut. Elliott got a slight wound by a fall from his horse — one of his Men a wound in the thigh, and one of the Gorey Cavalry a wound in the Arm. Party returned safe to Gorey, driving before them a vast number of Horses, Mules and Asses, and bearing a variety of Standards taken from the Rebels.2 Strong Patroles, and double Sentries mounted this night."

The force under Father Kearns 3 which marched from Enniscorthy towards Newtownbarry on the morning of the same day met with no better fortune. The loyalist garrison there had been hastily des- patched from Dublin, and consisted of but a few

1 Anthony Perry, a Protestant who had been arrested and con- fined at Gorey previous to the rebellion, liberated on the 28th May, 1798. His house being entered by yeomen, he joined the insurgents, and afterwards paid the penalty by being hanged at Edenderry, King's County, " a little before the end of the rebellion."

2 According to Taylor (p. 48), over 100 horses, some guns and pikes, and two green standards.

3 Called Father Kern by Froude (see Vol. III., p. 459).

THE CAPTURE OF GOREY 107

hundred men, made up of King's County militia, yeoman infantry, volunteers, Newtownbarry and Carlow cavalry, and a few of the 4th Dragoons, com- manded by Colonel L'Estrange of the King's County regiment. The rebels posted themselves on a near- by hill, but as the point did not prove so advantageous as they had hoped, owing either to the short range or the bad serving of their artillery, they descended and prepared to rush the town. By a skilful manoeuvre Colonel L'Estrange retreated towards Carlow, where- upon the insurgents poured into Newtownbarry, making the place a veritable inferno with their yells, and the crackling of wood and the volume of smoke soon made it evident that their old practice of setting houses on fire was in operation. The loyalists who had re- mained shot at the disorderly mob from whatever point of vantage they could secure. Colonel L'Estrange, urged on by his troops rather than seizing the op- portunity on his own initiative, charged into the town, to the complete dismay of the captors, who, according to some reports, were celebrating what they thought was a complete victory by imbibing whatever liquor they could discover.1 They fled in the wildest confusion, and were followed for four miles by the troops, who thus prevented the junction with the Carlow and Kildare rebels which was to have been effected the following day. Well may Taylor refer to the yeomen who behaved with such conspicuous gallantry on this occasion as " the mili- tary saviours of their country, and the bulwark of

1 Byrne indignantly denies this charge (see Vol. I., p. 65).

io8 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

the Irish nation."1 The scattered units of Reams' army succeeded in making their way in detached bands to Vinegar Hill, where the majority of them arrived on Saturday, the 2nd June. On the following day they joined John Murphy, Redmond, Perry, and Roche at Corrigrua Hill,2 whose men were now in one body, and being drilled by yeomen who had either resigned or been dismissed from their corps before the breaking out of the rebellion.3

" June 2. — Advices was this morning received that the Rebels to the amount of 30,000, had on Wednesday the 30 Ultimo, attacked the town of Wexford, com- pleatly routed the Garrison there, and destroyed the town. Reconnoitreing parties ordered to patrole to- wards Ballycanew, Corrigrua Hill, and Camolin, to act with the greatest caution. Private intelligence was this day in circulation, that a large Brigade of Military were on their March, and to arrive in Gorey this evening — -No Military arrived. Strong Patroles and double Guards on all the leading Avenues to the town — to Report every two hours.

" June 3. — A party from each Yeomanry Corps of Cavalry to patrole from hence towards Corrigrua Hill, to be commanded by an officer — Lieut. Smith of the Camolin Cavalry, from his knowledge of the Country, chosen on this Service. A Detatchment of the Antient British Light Dragoons, commanded by Colonel Sir

1 Taylor, p. 45.

2 Byrne, Vol. I., p. 67.

3 Ibid., Vol. I., p. 71.

THE CAPTURE OF GOREY 109

Watkin Wynne J arrived in town. The party ordered to Corrigrua returned — Lieut. Smith reported that on his coming in view of the Hill the Rebels posted thereon set their hats on their Pikes, and having lighted several fires, as he supposed for signals, they set up a most dreadful Yell — he proceeded as far as Mrs Donovan's gate at Ballymore, when a band of Rebels rushed from the house, inclosures, &c. and fired several shots at his party, on which they re- treated. In the evening, a considerable force of Mili- tary arrived at Gorey, consisting of the Dumbarton Fencible Infantry, detatchments of the Londonderry, Armagh, and Antrim Militia, Tyrone and Suffolk Light Companies, and the Arklow Yeoman Cavalry and Infantry, under the Command of Major-General Loftus and Colonel Walpole2 — Yeomanry ordered to provide two days provision, and to be in readiness for marching at 9 o'clock tomorrow morning. Strong Patroles and double Sentry's on all the leading Avenues to the town — and to Report.

" June 4. — Three file from each Yeomanry Corps of Cavalry ordered to attend as Guides to the Army who are preparing to surround the Rebel Army posted on Corrigrua Hill. Some information re- specting the Plan formed by the Rebels for an attack on Gorey,3 was communicated to Col. Walpole by

1 Colonel Sir Watkin Williams Wynne.

2 Colonel Lambert Theodore Walpole (1757-1798), aide-de-camp to Lord Camden.

3 Their ambition was now to capture Gorey and New Ross, in order " to open out a communication to other counties, and thus to produce that general insurrection throughout Ireland without

no THE WAR IN WEXFORD

John Doolin of Clogh,1 a Loyalist, for which he was order[ed] into confinement. At half past nine, the line was inspected by Col. Walpole preparatory to their march — he objects to having any of the Camolin Cavalry to attend the Army, but on Captain White's representing them as Men of strict loyalty and con- duct, he consents to their moving with the Army. At 10 the Army, consisting of 1500 men with five pieces of Cannon, under the command of Gen. Loftus and Col. Walpole march out of Gorey for the purpose of surrounding and cutting off the Rebels on Corrigrua — the division under Gen. Loftus march in the direction of Ballycanew, to surround the Hill on one side — Walpole's division march through Clogh to take another side of the Hill, but are met at Tubberneering by the entire Rebel force from Corrigrua, and totally defeated — Col. Walpole killed by a ball thro' his head — the remnant of Walpole's Army (which was by much the weakest) having lost three pieces of Cannon, retreated in confusion to Gorey, and as they passed down the

which the Wexford rebellion was manifestly hopeless " (Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 384). Perry sent urgent messages to Vinegar Hill and Wexford requesting immediate reinforcements. Taylor (p. 48) says that 12,000 insurgents under the two priests Kearns and Redmond were accordingly sent to Corrigrua Hill, where 8,000 were already stationed under Perry. Many detached and indepen- dent bodies also came to swell the augmented host, including that portion of the Shilmalier cavalry under Sergt. Edward Roche which had deserted a week before.

1 Gordon states that this intelligence was given by "a re- spectable farmer, named Thomas Dowling," and that the rebels also knew of the intended movements of the army, owing to the incautious publicity given to them in the town, which the dis- affected passed on (p. 114).

THE CAPTURE OF GOREY in

street, were fired at from the windows, by persons who had in the morning, every appearance of Loyalty.1 Army retreat out of Gorey with difficulty, and proceed to Arklow, the inhabitants of which used the fugitive Loyalists in a very ungenerous manner. Lieut. Smith and Serjeant Nesbit after encountering great diffi- culties, arrive safe at Arklow. The entire Army stood to their Arms, and at a Council of War held at 12 o'clock at night, it was there resolved to evacuate the town, and proceed immediately to Wicklow. Orders — ' No person to quit the town, untill the Garrison marches over the Bridge.'

" June 5. — After having burned every thing military which the[y] could not take with them, the Military commenced their march at 2 o'clock, taking with them several Prisoners who were confined in the Guard Room on charges of Rebellion. — Arrived in Wicklow about 10 o'clock, where the Army and Loyalists received all the kindness their calamitous conditions required. At 7 in the afternoon, Major General Needham,2 with the Cavan Regiment of Militia, Col. Maxwell, arrived in Wicklow, having travelled in Carriages, &c. hired for the purpose, from Loughlinstown Camp. This

1 Loftus sent a detachment to support Walpole, who assumed separate command, but he himself did not reach the scene of the disaster until all was over. Feeling his army too weak to attack Gorey, where the rebels at once took up a strong position, he retreated to Carnew, and later to Carlow. The loyalist cause lost over fifty men. In this battle Father Philip Roche played a promi- nent part.

2 Major-General the Hon. Francis Needham (1748-1832), M.P. for Newry 1806-1818 ; twelfth Viscount Kilmorey 1818 ; Earl of Kilmorey 1822.

H2 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

Evening, Captain Earl Mount Norris arrived from Dublin, and joined his Corps of Yeoman Cavalry. ' Orders — The Garrison to march for Arklow, to- morrow morning at 10 o'clock.' Strong Patroles and double Sentry's on all the leading Avenues to the town. The Marching Army to be exempt from Duty this night." l

When the insurgents were in complete possession of Gorey it was not long before they secured both liquor and plunder. Taylor, the Protestant historian, had the misfortune to be taken prisoner, and although the account of his terrible experiences makes heartrending reading, the vividness of the picture perhaps justifies a lengthy quotation.

" I passed through many of the rebels," he writes, " saw a great number of Protestants' houses burning between me and home, and heard many shots fired round the country, which I supposed to be levelled at the poor inhabitants who were escaping from the flames. I proceeded, however, without meeting any opposition, until I got within three miles of my mother's house ; just then a man followed me, whom I knew not, and called out, ' where are you going, young Taylor ? ' ordering me to stop. I obeyed, and thus fell into the hands of the rebels. This was on Wed- nesday the 6th of June. I was then taken to Gorey, and confined in the market-house : at night the guards that were placed over us, tied our arms behind, and

1 The total force now amounted to 1,500 or 1,600 effective men (Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 428).

THE CAPTURE OF GOREY 113

confined us to certain bounds which we should not pass. The same evening they brought in another prisoner, whom the merciless wretches shot next morning in the street ; I saw him fall, and was shocked at the sight, not knowing how soon it would be my own case. Next day we had liberty to walk the room, our arms being untied.

" The rebel camp was about half a mile from the town, on an eminence which commanded the entire country, and their numbers were increasing every day. My Papist neighbours hearing I was in confinement, came to see me ; wished me a speedy deliverance and told me how to procure it ; namely, to be baptized by a priest, and embrace the holy Roman Catholic faith, (as they called it,) and join them in arms to fight for the cause of liberty : many told me I would be shot if I did not turn papist, and made use of great per- suasion to prevail upon me. I told them I was obliged to them, and doubted not that it was good nature which induced them to speak as they did, but I was baptized before, and had no reason to condemn the Church of England ; yet if they could convince me of its errors, I would freely renounce it, and until then, they could not expect me to turn from it. To others I said it required a little consideration, that such a thing should not be done precipitately. . . . While a prisoner here, they brought in a yeoman of the Castle- town cavalry, whom they had just taken, and without allowing him more than ten minutes to call on the Lord, shot him in the street. Mr. Perry, the rebel commander at Gorey Camp, would give him no longer

U4 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

time to prepare for eternity ! ' The mercies of the wicked are cruel.'

" A few days after my being taken to Gorey, they stript me of a suit of black, and gave me a soldier's old jacket, waistcoat and small-clothes ; they also took from me my hat, neckcloth and shoes ; and having thus plundered me, they left me to meditate on what was likely to follow : all the prisoners were served the same way. Having thus stripped us, they led us forth to the camp to be shot. Providen- tially two days prior to this, Mr. Harvey, the com- mander-in-chief of the rebel forces in the county of Wexford, issued a proclamation from Carrigburne camp, one of the articles of which was, ' It is also resolved, that any person or persons who shall take upon him or them, to kill or murder any person or persons, burn any house, or commit any plunder, without special written orders from the commander- in-chief, shall suffer death.'

" Just as we were ranged on our knees, and our executioners in their appointed places, with pikes and musquets to put us all to death, a man came into the camp, with the above proclamation ; which was immediately read, and proved the means, under God, of saving our lives. Nevertheless we were near being sacrificed by these blood-thirsty men ; being so enraged with disappointment, they would hardly let us return to our prison alive. Some they stabbed, at others they fired : one man received five wounds from a pike, and had three ribs broken ; another was shot through the shoulder ; and I being arrayed with the soldier's

H5

coat, was struck several times, and received a stab in the back, and after being thus abused we were ordered to the guard-house. . . .

" I cannot ascertain the number of rebels that were in the camp, which was so extensive that it covered many acres of ground. It was distressing to see no military force then in the country sufficient to engage them ; it also distressed me to see their colours flying, and to hear their drums and trumpets, not knowing where it would end. . . . God was indeed very kind to me here ; for the next morning they cut the hair off the prisoner's heads, and put pitched caps on them all ; but they meddled not with me ; though even a minister of the Church of England, who was a fellow prisoner, was served the same way. On Saturday the 9th of June, the whole body of the rebels prepared to attack Arklow ; and as they marched from the camp through the town, the guards thrust the prisoners half out of the windows, that the insurgents might see their heads shorn and pitched ; at which they shouted so loud, that it seemed to pierce the very skies. . . .

" Our bed in this place was only a truss of straw, and that bestowed with a very scanty hand ; which notwithstanding might have afforded some refreshment, only that it was swarming with vermin. Our food also was very scanty ; no man got as much in twenty- four hours as would suffice for one meal ; but this I say, they treated me with more attention than the rest of the prisoners."1

1 Taylor, pp. 176-180.

n6 THE WAR IN WEXFORD

" June 6. — Camolin Cavalry received one Guinea each Man from their Captain Earl Mount Norris, on account of their pay. At 10 o'clock the troops consisting of the Cavan Militia and the defeated Army at Tubberneering, commanded by Gen. Needham, marched from Wicklow to Arklow — burned some houses on and near the road — Ordered by the General to burn no more — his orders not strictly obeyed — a private of the Arklow Yeoman Infantry put under an arrest for burning a house contrary to orders. Within three miles of Arklow, observed some boats in the Offing, and by the help of glasses saw they were Men and Women — arrived at Arklow about five o'clock, and found the town almost destitute of inhabitants — were informed that as soon as they heard of the Army marching towards the town, they quit their habitations and took to boats, thinking that the Army would destroy them all. Ordered by Gen. Needham to come ashore, return to their habitations, and that he would protect them from the Army, which was much enraged — All the Spirituous Liquors in the town, put under requisition, lest the military would make to[o] free with it — a Court Martial called, and the Yeoman of Arklow Infantry, put on trial — sentenced for Execution, and on the Evening Parade brought out to suffer, but thro' the interference of Colonel Maxwell, he was pardoned — Col. Maxwell read the Articles of War to the Military and Yeomanry."

" June 7. — One file from the Dragoons and each of the Yeoman Cavalry Corps, ordered as an escort to Wicklow, with the Carriages in which the Cavan

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Regiment came down. Patroles of Dragoons and Yeoman Cavalry sent out on Reconnoitreing Parties. Yeomanry began to draw Rations from Commissary's stores this day. Detatchments from the 5th & gth Dragoons march into town this day."

On the yth the rebel army left Gorey, and marched to attack Carnew, which Loftus had evacuated the day before. An encampment was at once formed on Kilcaven Hill, and part of the town set on fire, which Byrne sensibly calls a " useless retaliation."1 When information of the reoccupation of Arklow came to hand the foolishness of this march became apparent, and leaving Carnew on the 8th the insurgents again encamped on Gorey Hill, preparatory to attacking the troops at Arklow.

" June 8. — The following Orders were issued this morning, and directed to be, (with all other Orders) entered in the Orderly-Book :

" ' General Orders, Arklow, June 8, 1798.

' As none of the Yeomanry Corps have given in Reports of the duty they have done the day before, excepting the Earl of Mount-Norris's troop, they are required to be more attentive in future to Orders. They are not on any account to ride their horses fast through the Street, nor are they to use their horses except when on Duty. The General requires more particular attention from the Yeomanry Corps on the Patroles, which he thinks and finds are neither

1 Byrne, Vol. I., p. 88.

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numerous nor frequent enough. Whenever a par- ticular patrole is ordered during the day or night, a report is to be made immediately to the General. An Orderly from each Yeomanry Corps in town to attend at the General Quarters 'till the Major of Brigade of Yeomanry shall dismiss him. All Returns to be made to Captain Howard, Brigade Major of Yeomanry.'

" Two file from each Yeomanry Corps of Cavalry, with dispatches from Major Gen. Needham to Wicklow, from thence to be forwarded to Lord Castlereagh, Dublin Castle. A General Inspection of Yeomanry, ordered [to] take place this day at 12 o'clock — Corps to be on the Inspection ground at half-past eleven o'clock. The inspection took place at 12 o'clock, after which the several Cavalry Corps were ordered out on Reconnoitreing Parties.

" June 9. — From the Morning Parade, 'Patroling parties ordered to ride slowly on Arklow Rock Road, Coolgreny road, and the road leading to Poolahoney Wood, and remain 'till relieved by the Night Patroles. At i o'clock the Loyal Durham Regiment of Fencible Infantry, commanded by Col. Skerrit,1 arrived in town,

1 Colonel Skerrett, who succeeded the Marquis of Huntly in the command at Gorey. Gordon (p. 198) says that Colonel Skerrett " observed so strict a discipline, that nothing more was heard of military depredation." Musgrave (p. 437) gives the strength of the detachment of the Durham Fencibles as 300 effective men. In the list which he prints on the following page the number is given as 245 rank and file. The Dumbarton infantry of 105 rank and file also formed part of Skerrett's division, but no mention is made of the Gorey Yeoman Cavalry. Lecky (Vol. IV., p. 430) states that there were 360 Durham Fencibles. The same authority (p. 428) gives the total loyalist force as 1,500 or 1,600 effective men, and that of the insurgents at 25,000, 30,000, or even 34,000 men. General

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and in an hour after the Gorey Yeoman Cavalry, commanded by Lieut. Woodroofe, marched in from Dublin. At 3 o'clock a Dragoon from the Rock Road galloped into town, and informed Gen. Needham that a crowd of Men who they (his party) supposed to be Rebels were approaching their post at the Rock. In a few minutes, the other patroles galloped into town with the same information, and shortly after the whole body of the Rebels from Gorey made their appearance. Two file of Dragoons dispatched with the intelligence to Wicklow. Dragoons and Yeoman Cavalry under the command of Col. Sir Watkin Wynne, ordered to take post on the sandy hills beyond the Bridge, but they were so exposed to the fire of the enemy, he ordered that they should take shelter in the vallies between the hills, 'till they would be ordered to make a Charge. Rebels set the houses in the Fishery1 on fire. Cavalry ordered to Charge a body of Rebels who were advancing to the town by the Beech — compleatly routed them with slaughter, in which Captain [Thomas] Knox [Grogan] of the Castletown Yeoman Cavalry, and two of his Men were killed.

Needham estimated them at about 19,000 (Lecky, Vol. IV., p. 428). Musgrave says 25,000 (p. 440) ; Gordon 27,000 (p. 129) ; Kavanagh 20,000 (p. 183) ; Byrne 20,000 (p. 98). A like discrepancy exists with regard to the weapons of the rebels. Gordon asserts that they had nearly 5,000 men with firearms, and three serviceable pieces of artillery ; Kavanagh gives 2,000 firearms, " many of which were out of order and of little use," 3,000 only had pikes, the remainder fighting with scythes, pitchforks and other farm implements. Byrne maintains that there were not 2,000 firelocks, and only between 3,000 and 4,000 " tolerably well mounted pikes." 1 The lower part of the town.

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Dragoons and Yeoman Cavalry took their former station, ordered to Charge again, and again returned to their station. Rebels beginning to retreat, in which they set fire to the dwelling house of the Rev. Edward Bayley, Rector of Arklow, and an active Magistrate, by which it was burned to the ground. At 8 o'clock the Rebels were completely routed.1 Infantry stood to their arms 'till 4 next morning, Dragoons and Cavalry patroled 'till the same hour.

" June 10. — At 4 this morning the Troops were in part relieved from Duty, to refresh themselves and their horses — went to view the dead bodies, all of which had a homed appearance — one of the Slain was recognised to be Priest Murphy of Bally canew ;2 he was torn across the body, it was supposed by a cannister shot. Dead men and horses were lying in heaps in the fields, on the roads, and in the ditches. Orders given to the Suplementary Yeoman and Followers to remove the Dead bodies and bury them ; numbers taken in cars and thrown into the Sea. Two file from each detatchment of Dragoons and Yeoman Cavalry ordered with dispatches for Wicklow, Newtown Kennedy, Bray, Loughlinstown Camp, and Dublin. Detatchmentsfrom the Antrim Militia and 7th Dragoons

1 Over 1,000 insurgents were killed in the battle of Arklow, according to the conservative estimate of General Needham, and but few on the loyalist side, including Captain Thomas Knox Grogan, who commanded the Castletown Yeoman Cavalry. The latter was a brother of Cornelius Grogan, a Wexford rebel who paid the full penalty for his misdeeds. Froude gives the most graphic descrip- tion of the contest. — See Vol. III., pp. 480-482.

2 Father Michael Murphy. Michael Redmond was also killed.

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march into town from Rathdrum. Yeomanry paraded at 10, when the following Orders were read, and ordered to be Coppied by each Corps of Yeomanry in their Orderly Books :

" ' General Orders, Arklow, June 10, 1798.

" ' Major General Needham takes the earliest opportunity of returning his thanks to the Com- missioned, non-Commissioned Officers and Privates of the several Yeomanry Corps, who he had the honour to command yesterday, for their cool and spirited conduct when in the front of a most cruel and ferocious enemy, and he hartily congratulates them on the happy issue of their meritorious exertions.

" ' Reconnoitreing parties sent out, with orders to act with caution, and not to advance to[o] far from town. The Military which arrived in town this morning ordered to return again to Rathdrum.' '

According to Miles Byrne, who was present, the battle of Arklow was lost by the rebels because there was no definite commander-in-chief, orders being issued by various men indiscriminately, and apparently with no thought of concerted action. Father Michael Murphy was certainly very conspicuous, and led his column with his usual daring, and John Hay,1 Esmond

1 Colonel John Hay, of the loth Lancers, brother of Edward Hay the historian. Kavanagh (p. 309) asserts that after taking part in the defeat of Walpole at Clogh, he made his way to Dublin and rejoined his regiment. Kavanagh says he was assured of the fact by a nephew of Esmond Kyan. Harwood (p. 174) says that John Hay had been an officer in the French Army.

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Kyan,1 Dick Monk,2 Thomas Dixon,3 and William and Garret Byrne 4 were also present.5 If Kavanagh is to be believed, Father John Murphy was of opinion that " Wexford ought to fight in defence of Wexford alone," 6 and this is the reason why he did not accompany this band. The statement is supported by Taylor, who tells us that " Priest Murphy of Boolavogue met them retreating, and told them that he knew they would be defeated; yet they would not take his advice."7 On the other hand, Byrne positively asserts that Father John played a prominent part in the field, and he waxes eloquent on the subject. " Father John Murphy," he notes, " apparently with the simplicity of a child, was a lion in the fight ; in short he knew not, nor cared, nor feared danger, from the moment he was forced to take the field to save his life from the tyrants who had burned his house, his chapel, and all he possessed,

1 Esmond Kyan, rebel captain of artillery. Youngest son of Howard Kyan, Esquire, of Mount Howard, Co. Wexford. He was wounded at the battle of Arklow.

2 Richard Monaghan, alias Dick Monk, formerly a recruiting sergeant.

3 Thomas Dixon, son of a publican of Castlebridge, near Wex- ford, and master of a vessel owned by his brother, who was a pros- perous merchant. He was <